Robert Herrick: Poems of Christmas

The poem ‘To Daffadills’ beginning ‘Faire Daffadills, we weep to see/You haste away so soon’ graces many an anthology. It is often mistakenly thought of as by Wordsworth. But the author was Robert Herrick, a 17th-century country vicar who made a speciality of lyric verse in short lines. Although Herrick’s life was a quiet one, yielding few facts, his work displays an appealing hedonism and deep preoccupation with the fleeting nature of time. He penned the famous lines: ‘Gather ye Rose-buds while ye may/Old Time is still a flying’ which open the poem ‘To the Virgins, to make much of Time’.

Hesperides: or The Works both Humane and Divine of Thomas Herrick, printed in London for John Williams and Francis Eglesfield, in 1648, contained the poet’s collected verse. As the ‘humane’ poems occupy 398 pages of the octavo volume, compared to just 79 pages for the divine, one can deduce that sacred subjects were not his favourite. Hesperides remained an under appreciated book for two centuries, though Anthony Wood recorded that the volume made Herrick ‘much admired in the time … especially by the generous and boon loyalists’ (Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, 1721, II, pp. 122-123). It is a rare book today. Sotheby’s sold the Stockhausen copy for $35,000 in 2015, and the Huth copy for £15,000 in the same year.

One subject that seems to bridge the secular and religious divide in Hesperides is Christmas. Herrick’s Christmas poems include two splendid carols, sung before James I at Whitehall and set to music by Henry Lawes, as well as ‘An Ode of the Birth of Our Saviour’. In the latter, the poet is deeply shocked that the ‘pretty Baby’ and ‘Kingly Stranger’ should have his birthplace in a ‘base Out-stable’, preferring him to possess a cradle of ‘interwoven osiers fragrant posies/Of daffodils and roses’. This is the country cradle of rushes deployed in nativity scenes such as Georges de la Tour’s Adoration of the Shepherds. ‘As Gospel tells’ the actual cradle ‘Was nothing else,/But here a homely manger’. But the poet promises to totally transform the conditions spoken of in the Gospel. The baby’s rough clothing will be exchanged for silks sewn with ‘precious jewels’ and ‘lily-work’, the manger will be turned into a chamber of ivory and amber:

But we with silks, not crewels,
With sundry precious jewels,
And lily-work will dress thee;
And as we disposses[s] thee
Of clouts, we’ll make a chamber,
Sweet babe, for Thee, of ivory,
And plaister’d round with amber.

The allusions to silks, jewels and other precious commodities would have been made from a standpoint of knowledge as Herrick was born into a family of goldsmiths in 1591, the seventh child of Julia Stone and Nicholas Herrick. He was named after an uncle, Robert Herrick (or Heyrick), Member of Parliament for Leicester. Tragedy struck when, the year after his birth, his father died in a possible case of suicide (he fell from an upper window of his house in Cheapside two days after making his will). Fortunately, his uncle provided for him.

In 1607 Herrick was apprenticed to another uncle, Sir William Herrick, a goldsmith with close ties to James I. He got through six years of the ten year apprenticeship, then sought a different future in law. At the comparatively advanced age of 22, he matriculated at St. John’s College, Cambridge. Surviving letters to Sir William indicate that his nephew’s finances could barely cope with a year’s carousing at St. John’s, and he moved to Trinity Hall where he spent three more years reading law, graduating in 1617.

For reasons we don’t know Herrick never became a practising lawyer. In the twelve years between his graduation from Cambridge in 1617, and his appointment as vicar of Dean Prior ‘tantalisingly little’ is known for certain about his life (see poetryfoundation.org). It is widely accepted that he spent much of his time in London. Writing in the mid- 19th century, Henry Vizetelly described him as being ‘in familiar intercourse with the chief wits, and writers of the age. Herrick had for his early intimates Ben Jonson, [John] Selden, William Lawes the eminent composer, and Endymion Porter, groom of the chamber to the King, besides many others of equal note’ (Christmas with the Poets, London, David Bogue, 1851).

The teacher/pupil relationship with Ben Jonson (1572-1637) was real enough for Herrick to address five poems to him, including an epitaph. The first verse of ‘His Prayer to Ben. Jonson’ pays due homage to the great classicist, as a playwright ranked second only to Shakespeare:

When I a Verse shall make,
Know I have praid thee,
For old Religions sake,
Saint Ben to aide me.

Endymion Porter (1587-1649) was a diplomat and patron of the arts, fiercely loyal to Charles I, who also wrote verses. Both he and his wife, Olivia, niece to the Duke of Buckingham, were painted by van Dyck. While Herrick himself never married, he was preoccupied with women as a subject, writing about Julia and other ‘mistresses’ in as many as 158 poems. It is possible that none of the women he so admired in verse existed as real people.

It may have been owing to the influence of Endymion Porter that Herrick briefly obtained the position of assistant chaplain to the Duke of Buckingham, playing his part in the catastrophic expedition to free the French Huguenots on the Ile de Ré in 1627. But that was the beginning and end of his military career. He was appointed to the living of Dean Prior in South Devon in 1629, a post he took up in 1630, perhaps with the conscious aim of having more time and opportunity for his poetry.

Dean Prior in the 17th century must be regarded as extremely remote and therefore ideal for a hermit like Herrick. The nearest towns, Exeter and Plymouth, were almost a day’s ride away. London was a five-day trek. Though the vicarage next to the church was by no means ostentatious, the poet-clergyman never agitated for change and lived in Dean Prior for a total of 31 years, the period split into two by the civil war.

Whereas Herrick was a royalist and traditional Anglican, and is often grouped among 17th-century ‘cavalier poets’, the population of the west country was strongly sympathetic to the Puritan cause. The Civil War which began in 1642 made his position precarious; in 1647 he was among 142 Devonshire clergymen expelled from their parishes because of their loyalty to the King. He went to live in Westminster, where he could be supported by his family and friends. His first period as vicar had lasted for 17 years. On his return to Devon at the Restoration of 1660, he served for 14 years more, ending with his death in 1674. While the 14th-century parish church of St. George the Martyr still stands, his gravestone has disappeared, exactly as he predicted it would.

Herrick would certainly have missed old friends on his return to the capital. Ben Jonson had died ten years earlier, William Lawes had been killed at the siege of Chester, Endymion Porter had fled abroad, returning to England only to die in poverty in 1649. ‘Selden alone survived in the enjoyment of a green old age’ (Vizetelly). New literary friendships were forged with Charles Cotton, translator of Montaigne and contributor to The Compleat Angler, and Sir John Denham, the bard of Cooper’s Hill. Herrick also had his octavo volume of poetry, largely written in Devon, to think about for the press. Being close to the printers must have been a stimulus despite the existence of this biblical quatrain preceding the errata:

For these transgressions which thou
here dost see
Condemne the Printer, Reader,
and not me;
Who gave him forth good Grain,
though he mistook
The Seed; so sowed these
Tares throughout my Book.

Herrick revised his work, carefully considered what order to place the poems in, and even went to the trouble of versifying the table of contents. The religious poems have an independent title, His Noble Numbers, and separate pagination; dated 1647, the year of his return from Dean Prior, they may originally have been intended for separate publication

Hesperides contains some 1400 lyrics in all, of which there are sixteen or so Christmas poems. While this is only a fraction of the content, it is hard to think of any other poet who has taken such pains to record the festivities. We are used to thinking of indulgent Christmases as a Victorian invention. Reading Herrick’s accounts of wassailing and other Christmas ‘ceremonials’ will show this to be a misconception. For Christmas traditions in 17th-century Devon are time honoured and have no identifiable beginning.

As opposed to being treated as a single day in modern fashion, Christmas drinking and feasting lasts for a whole season, coming to another climax on Twelfth Night, and even extending up to Candlemas Eve on 1st February. There is little if any mention of young children. It is maidens and young men who are at the centre of Herrick’s Christmas, and happy carousing, happy eating of plum pies and pastries, are the order of the day.

‘Ceremonies for Christmas’ is primarily about the lighting of the Christmas log. The speaker demands that it be brought into the room, accompanied by a suitable uproar of noise from the ‘merry boys’. Thanks to ‘my good dame’, a generous hostess, drinking opportunities are unlimited:

Come, bring with a noise, My merry, merry boys, The Christmas log to the firing; While my good dame, she Bids ye all be free And drink to your heart’s desiring.

The speaker next demands that the new block of wood for the Christmas fire be lit with a piece of the old wood, saved from the previous Christmas: ‘With the last year’s brand/Light the new block’. The middle stanza also refers to the ‘psaltries’ (or guitars) that have to be played as the wood kindles, bringing ‘sweet luck’. Once these ceremonies have been performed, the orders are to:

Drink now the strong beer,
Cut the white loaf here;
The while the meat is a-shredding
For the rare mince-pie,
And the plums stand by
To fill the paste that’s a-kneading.

It’s an abrupt end but typically matter of fact in manner. From this poem alone Herrick’s approval of wassailing or drinking to excess is unquestionable. However, his poem ‘Wassail’, written in 3-line stanzas, is ironically so called, for it takes to task the miserly household that refuses to open its doors for Christmas. Nothing is so grievous as the lack of beer. ‘Alas! We bless, but see none here/That brings us either ale or beer;/ In a dry house all things are near’. Neither are there any happy noises in a house ‘Where chimneys do for ever weep/For want of warmth, and stomachs keep,/With noise, the servants’ eyes from sleep’.

‘Twelfth Night or King and Queen’ describes the ‘cake full of plums’ (the ancestor of our Christmas pudding), and the election of the Twelfth Night king and queen by the successful recovery of a bean and pea hidden inside it: ‘Now, now the mirth comes/With the cake full of plums,/Where bean’s the king of the sport here’. Once the election is decided, the invitation is issued to all to ‘…make/Joy-sops with the cake’, and drink to a cup’s limits:

… let not a man then be seen here,
Who unurged will not drink,
To the base from the brink,
A health to the king and queen here.

The reference to ‘lamb’s wool’ in the penultimate stanza becomes less puzzling once ‘… a bowl full/With gentle lamb’s wool’ is recognised as the Devonshire name for a bowl of spiced beer. Herrick even provides a list of ingredients: ‘sugar, nutmeg and ginger,/With store of ale, too’, all necessary ‘to make the wassail a swinger’. Guests are encouraged to wassail the king and queen, and an assurance is given that the drinking is all good natured:

… though with ale ye be wet here,
Yet part ye from hence
As free from offence
As when ye innocent met here.

Herrick’s poems could be very short indeed. Two of the Christmas lyrics consist of only one 4-line stanza. ‘Another to the Maids’ warns the maids in a household against kindling the Christmas fire with ‘unwash’d hands’, the belief being that this will only put the fire out:

Wash your hands, or else the fire
Will not teend to your desire;
Unwash’d hands, ye maidens, know,
Dead the fire, though ye blow.

A second short poem, called simply ‘Another’, forms a companion-piece to the first, advising the maids to wassail the fruit trees in order to improve their fertility:

Wassail the trees, that they may bear
You many a plum and many a pear:
For more or less fruits they will bring,
As you do give them wassailing.

At fifty lines in length ‘A New Year’s Gift sent to Sir Simon Steward’ was one of the more ambitious Christmas poems. It is a composition that can be dated. Sir Simon (1575-1632) had been a student at Trinity Hall living on there for some years after his graduation. Besides combining the roles of a Justice of the Peace, High Sheriff, and MP, he was an occasional poet. Herrick sent him his long string of rhyming couplets in January, 1624, starting that no kind of bad political news would be the subject his letter. Instead Sir Simon should expect to find:

… here a jolly
Verse, crown’d with ivy and with holly,
That tells the winter’s tales and mirth,
That milkmaids make about the hearth,

In the mid stage of the poem various ‘Christmas sports’ and customs are affectionately named or mentioned, not least the choosing of the Twelfth Night king and queen. Sir Simon and his household are urged to read the poem, and ‘Remember us in cups full crown’d’. But the mood is not all joyful; in the final part Herrick touches on his favourite theme of the brevity of time, and insists that thoughts of future Christmases are preferable to ‘fled Decembers’. Better, it is suggested, to drink on until Father Bacchus ‘twirls the house about your ears’, attaching ‘your cares’ to the past year not the future one:

Then as yet sit about your embers,
Call not to mind those fled Decembers,
But think on those that are t’appear
As daughters to the instant year:
Sit crown’d with rosebuds, and carouse
Till Liber Pater twirls the house
About your ears; and lay upon
The year your cares that’s fled and gone.

However, the last piece of advice is light hearted. It is to enjoy the Christmas plays, and ‘Frolic the full twelve holidays’.

‘Ceremonies for Candlemas Eve’ is another poem about transience and the need to avoid regret. Who hasn’t taken down the Christmas decorations with a sense of relief and a feeling that it’s time to move on? Herrick captures that feeling, beginning his poem with the call to take down the Christmas greenery on Candlemas Eve (i.e. 1st February). He is happy to see a new plant, ‘the greener box … domineer’ instead. However, the box also has its time limit in the house, holding sway only up to ‘dancing Easter day’. His poem begins:

Down with the rosemary and bays,
Down with the mistletoe;
Instead of holly, now up-raise
The greener box (for show).
The holly hitherto did sway:
Let box now domineer
Until the dancing Easter day,
Or Easter’s eve appear.

As the year progresses, there is a recognisable succession of plants traditionally used for adornment. The ‘youthful box’ renews houses but when ‘Grown old, surrender must his place/Unto the crisped yew’. The yew is followed by the birch ‘And many flowers beside’ which do honour to Whitsuntide. In the final stanza, ‘green rushes’, ‘bents’ (so called because they are flowers which bend or droop?) and ‘cooler oaken boughs’ are considered ‘comely ornaments/To re-adorn the house’. But the poem does not end there.

Herrick adds an extra couplet to remind us that, as greenery goes in and out of favour in the house, so the shifts of time effect change in all things:

Green rushes, then, and sweetest bents,
With cooler oaken boughs
Come in with comely ornaments
To re-adorn the house.
Thus times do shift; each thing
his turn does hold;
New things succeed,
as former things grow old.

Through these varied poems Herrick gives us a remarkably strong picture of what a 17th-century Christmas in Devon was like, something to think about as we are enjoying our Christmas in the early 21stcentury. Anyone interested in reading more of his work should consult the website luminarium.org where his poems are available online.

The Care of Books

Rupert Neelands gives his best advice for caring for books:

Space

Libraries great and small suffer from a shortage of space — there is never as much room on the shelf as one would like. This is a permanent problem for the collector, but the desire to squeeze on an extra volume has to be resisted. Give your books enough space and ensure they are kept in a room with a free flow of air, preventing mould and dampness. Shelving should not be erected on exterior walls, and it must be of sufficient strength.

Chatsworth, the library-living room with upper gallery - caring for books

Size

The size of books dictates their natural pecking order; the place for heavy folios and quartos is on the lower shelves, octavos of standard size and smaller are traditionally shelved at eye level or above. The top shelf of a grand library is usually the place for the smallest and least interesting volumes only accessible with a high ladder.

At the other end of the spectrum, large volumes with magnificent plates are happiest when safely placed in a bottom shelf or cupboard; they may alternatively be kept flat on a library table, easing pressure on the spine. For a free flow of air and absence of direct sunlight, there is no better environment than a draughty Scottish castle with few windows, thick stone walls and no heating.

Conservation history

The 19th-century bibliophile William Blades first published The Enemies of Books in 1880 (the second edition of 1888 is now available online through the Gutenberg Project). A short monograph, it went through many editions and has long been the classic work on the subject. In his opening chapters on “Fire” and “Water” (“liquid” and “vapour”), Blades gives an account of the terrible conflagrations and inundations which have resulted in the loss of so many books over the centuries.

William Blades - caring for books

Damp

Many would consider “damp” to be the greatest enemy of books, and Blades describes the “irreparable injury” which it can do. “The substance of the paper succumbs to the unhealthy influence and rots and rots until all fibre disappears, and the paper is reduced to a white decay which crumbles into powder”. He has a surprisingly modern remedy to suggest for the damp atmosphere that produces spotting and visible staining to blank margins or the text itself. On the basis that “our worst enemies are sometimes our real friends”, he suggests having hot water circulate through pipes under the floor. However, he believes this heating system cannot be allowed to supersede “the open grate”, going on to argue the case for coal and even (frightful thought) asbestos fires.

In the event of spillage

The antiquarian book with its thick rag paper and durable binding of leather or vellum is nevertheless a resilient object and minor blemishes are easy to tolerate providing a book is complete with no missing pages or hiatuses in the text. Should you spill an entire glass of water over an important volume, the situation may be retrievable. Stand the volume upright, and fan out the leaves allowing any liquid to drain off. A hair drier is an effective tool for supplying an air flow from a distance. With the right treatment the unhappy accident may leave no trace at all.

Heat and sunlight

The desecrators of books denounced in Blades’ subsequent chapters are: “Gas and Heat”, “Dust and Neglect”, “Ignorance and Bigotry”, “The Bookworm”,“Other Vermin”, “Bookbinders”, “Collectors”, and finally “Servants and Children”. While Gas has long ceased to be used for lighting, its ill effect may still be seen on grimy books; it was the sulphur in the gas fumes that caused bindings on the upper shelves to deteriorate. The problem of “desiccation” also persists today, whether ascribed to the open fires and gas lighting of the past or to the natural power of sunlight. Blades defined the process as “the leather losing all its natural oils by long exposure to much heat”.

The sun can do damage we may easily be unconscious of. Leather and cloth spines and invaluable dust-jackets will all fade as a result of regular exposure to sunlight, leather becomes brittle, condition is altered for the worse and value plummets.

Franciscans burning book scrolls

Worm holes

The chapter on “The Bookworm” is one of my favourites. Blades observes the fascinating manner in which a worm hole, far from being of even size, can slowly grow as the pages of a folio are turned, and then just as gradually diminish and disappear. Although the cataloguer has to count these holes as defects, watching their growth and disappearance can provide a welcome diversion from the collation of a lengthy text. Modern books don’t suffer in the same way. Blades comments wryly on “the scarcity of edible books of the present [19th] century”, observing that “one result of the extensive adulteration of modern paper is that the worm will not touch it. His instinct forbids him to eat the china clay, the bleaches, the plaster of Paris, the sulphate of barytes, the scores of adulterants now used to mix with the fibre … the worm has a bad time of it”.

Book work - caring for books

Bookbinders

There is no chapter on book dealers but there is one on “Bookbinders”, placed after “Other Vermin”, revealing the sorry practices of the book trade in the late 19th century. As Blades states in fury, binders not only cut away book margins and any annotations on them with utter ruthlessness; they also destroyed old bindings to make new ones, and habitually washed books leaf by leaf, perhaps adding hydrochloric acid, oxalic acid or caustic potash to remove every mark. Fortunately, today’s binders have higher allegiances and are very much on the side of the conservation rather than the desecration of books.

The attack is taken to collectors themselves, “two-legged depredators” who indulge the habit of cutting out illuminated initials and engravings from books, and making separate collections of them. The one obsessive collector to be mentioned by name is the celebrated Sir Thomas Phillipps of Middle Hill who lived in ‘a mansion crammed with books; he purchased whole libraries and never even saw what he had bought’. Phillips possessed one of the greatest bibliographical treasures in the form of the first book printed in English, “The Recuyell of the Histories of Troye”, translated and printed by William Caxton. But it was a volume “he could never find” among so many others piled on his shelves.

Sir Thomas Phillips failed to protect his unrivalled collection of manuscripts

Dust

Blades’ final chapter, “Servants and Children”, instructs the former how to dust books with due care. Recommending the simple use of a duster, without any cleaning agent, might seem old-fashioned. Today we have a tendency to believe that leather bindings require some form of polish or wax to restore them to full bloom, and a large number of such products are available on the market. But Shelly Smith, as head of New York Public Library’s Conservation Team, takes the same view as Blades, writing: “Don’t use oil or leather dressing on your leather bindings … it can actually cause deterioration to the volume as the oil or leather dressing ages. Simply wiping leather bindings with a plain soft cloth is best” (NYPL Newsletter, August 2020).

Pepys Library - Caring for Books

It is a cardinal rule never to take a book from the shelf by pulling at the top of the spine. Blades comments on the tendency of home helps “to fill the shelves too tightly,” which only made extracting a volume safely that much more difficult. Once safe in one’s hands, a rare book can be read but should never be fully opened — a big risk to the binding. This does not mean that, like Sir Thomas Phillipps, one should ignore one’s collection. Books are to be admired. Whatever the hazards, an important part of their care is to handle them at least occasionally. This lets fresh air penetrate the pages while the oil occurring naturally in our fingers is enough to keep calf or morocco bindings nourished.

 


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Robert Herrick: Poems of Christmas

The poem ‘To Daffadills’ beginning ‘Faire Daffadills, we weep to see/You haste away so soon’ graces many an anthology. It is often mistakenly thought of as by Wordsworth. But the author was Robert Herrick, a 17th-century country vicar who made a speciality of lyric verse in short lines. Although Herrick’s life was a quiet one, yielding few facts, his work displays an appealing hedonism and deep preoccupation with the fleeting nature of time. He penned the famous lines: ‘Gather ye Rose-buds while ye may/Old Time is still a flying’ which open the poem ‘To the Virgins, to make much of Time’.

Hesperides: or The Works both Humane and Divine of Thomas Herrick, printed in London for John Williams and Francis Eglesfield, in 1648, contained the poet’s collected verse. As the ‘humane’ poems occupy 398 pages of the octavo volume, compared to just 79 pages for the divine, one can deduce that sacred subjects were not his favourite. Hesperides remained an under appreciated book for two centuries, though Anthony Wood recorded that the volume made Herrick ‘much admired in the time … especially by the generous and boon loyalists’ (Wood, Athenae Oxonienses, 1721, II, pp. 122-123). It is a rare book today. Sotheby’s sold the Stockhausen copy for $35,000 in 2015, and the Huth copy for £15,000 in the same year.

One subject that seems to bridge the secular and religious divide in Hesperides is Christmas. Herrick’s Christmas poems include two splendid carols, sung before James I at Whitehall and set to music by Henry Lawes, as well as ‘An Ode of the Birth of Our Saviour’. In the latter, the poet is deeply shocked that the ‘pretty Baby’ and ‘Kingly Stranger’ should have his birthplace in a ‘base Out-stable’, preferring him to possess a cradle of ‘interwoven osiers fragrant posies/Of daffodils and roses’. This is the country cradle of rushes deployed in nativity scenes such as Georges de la Tour’s Adoration of the Shepherds. ‘As Gospel tells’ the actual cradle ‘Was nothing else,/But here a homely manger’. But the poet promises to totally transform the conditions spoken of in the Gospel. The baby’s rough clothing will be exchanged for silks sewn with ‘precious jewels’ and ‘lily-work’, the manger will be turned into a chamber of ivory and amber:

But we with silks, not crewels,
With sundry precious jewels,
And lily-work will dress thee;
And as we disposses[s] thee
Of clouts, we’ll make a chamber,
Sweet babe, for Thee, of ivory,
And plaister’d round with amber.

The allusions to silks, jewels and other precious commodities would have been made from a standpoint of knowledge as Herrick was born into a family of goldsmiths in 1591, the seventh child of Julia Stone and Nicholas Herrick. He was named after an uncle, Robert Herrick (or Heyrick), Member of Parliament for Leicester. Tragedy struck when, the year after his birth, his father died in a possible case of suicide (he fell from an upper window of his house in Cheapside two days after making his will). Fortunately, his uncle provided for him.

In 1607 Herrick was apprenticed to another uncle, Sir William Herrick, a goldsmith with close ties to James I. He got through six years of the ten year apprenticeship, then sought a different future in law. At the comparatively advanced age of 22, he matriculated at St. John’s College, Cambridge. Surviving letters to Sir William indicate that his nephew’s finances could barely cope with a year’s carousing at St. John’s, and he moved to Trinity Hall where he spent three more years reading law, graduating in 1617.

For reasons we don’t know Herrick never became a practising lawyer. In the twelve years between his graduation from Cambridge in 1617, and his appointment as vicar of Dean Prior ‘tantalisingly little’ is known for certain about his life (see poetryfoundation.org). It is widely accepted that he spent much of his time in London. Writing in the mid- 19th century, Henry Vizetelly described him as being ‘in familiar intercourse with the chief wits, and writers of the age. Herrick had for his early intimates Ben Jonson, [John] Selden, William Lawes the eminent composer, and Endymion Porter, groom of the chamber to the King, besides many others of equal note’ (Christmas with the Poets, London, David Bogue, 1851).

The teacher/pupil relationship with Ben Jonson (1572-1637) was real enough for Herrick to address five poems to him, including an epitaph. The first verse of ‘His Prayer to Ben. Jonson’ pays due homage to the great classicist, as a playwright ranked second only to Shakespeare:

When I a Verse shall make,
Know I have praid thee,
For old Religions sake,
Saint Ben to aide me.

Endymion Porter (1587-1649) was a diplomat and patron of the arts, fiercely loyal to Charles I, who also wrote verses. Both he and his wife, Olivia, niece to the Duke of Buckingham, were painted by van Dyck. While Herrick himself never married, he was preoccupied with women as a subject, writing about Julia and other ‘mistresses’ in as many as 158 poems. It is possible that none of the women he so admired in verse existed as real people.

It may have been owing to the influence of Endymion Porter that Herrick briefly obtained the position of assistant chaplain to the Duke of Buckingham, playing his part in the catastrophic expedition to free the French Huguenots on the Ile de Ré in 1627. But that was the beginning and end of his military career. He was appointed to the living of Dean Prior in South Devon in 1629, a post he took up in 1630, perhaps with the conscious aim of having more time and opportunity for his poetry.

Dean Prior in the 17th century must be regarded as extremely remote and therefore ideal for a hermit like Herrick. The nearest towns, Exeter and Plymouth, were almost a day’s ride away. London was a five-day trek. Though the vicarage next to the church was by no means ostentatious, the poet-clergyman never agitated for change and lived in Dean Prior for a total of 31 years, the period split into two by the civil war.

Whereas Herrick was a royalist and traditional Anglican, and is often grouped among 17th-century ‘cavalier poets’, the population of the west country was strongly sympathetic to the Puritan cause. The Civil War which began in 1642 made his position precarious; in 1647 he was among 142 Devonshire clergymen expelled from their parishes because of their loyalty to the King. He went to live in Westminster, where he could be supported by his family and friends. His first period as vicar had lasted for 17 years. On his return to Devon at the Restoration of 1660, he served for 14 years more, ending with his death in 1674. While the 14th-century parish church of St. George the Martyr still stands, his gravestone has disappeared, exactly as he predicted it would.

Herrick would certainly have missed old friends on his return to the capital. Ben Jonson had died ten years earlier, William Lawes had been killed at the siege of Chester, Endymion Porter had fled abroad, returning to England only to die in poverty in 1649. ‘Selden alone survived in the enjoyment of a green old age’ (Vizetelly). New literary friendships were forged with Charles Cotton, translator of Montaigne and contributor to The Compleat Angler, and Sir John Denham, the bard of Cooper’s Hill. Herrick also had his octavo volume of poetry, largely written in Devon, to think about for the press. Being close to the printers must have been a stimulus despite the existence of this biblical quatrain preceding the errata:

For these transgressions which thou
here dost see
Condemne the Printer, Reader,
and not me;
Who gave him forth good Grain,
though he mistook
The Seed; so sowed these
Tares throughout my Book.

Herrick revised his work, carefully considered what order to place the poems in, and even went to the trouble of versifying the table of contents. The religious poems have an independent title, His Noble Numbers, and separate pagination; dated 1647, the year of his return from Dean Prior, they may originally have been intended for separate publication

Hesperides contains some 1400 lyrics in all, of which there are sixteen or so Christmas poems. While this is only a fraction of the content, it is hard to think of any other poet who has taken such pains to record the festivities. We are used to thinking of indulgent Christmases as a Victorian invention. Reading Herrick’s accounts of wassailing and other Christmas ‘ceremonials’ will show this to be a misconception. For Christmas traditions in 17th-century Devon are time honoured and have no identifiable beginning.

As opposed to being treated as a single day in modern fashion, Christmas drinking and feasting lasts for a whole season, coming to another climax on Twelfth Night, and even extending up to Candlemas Eve on 1st February. There is little if any mention of young children. It is maidens and young men who are at the centre of Herrick’s Christmas, and happy carousing, happy eating of plum pies and pastries, are the order of the day.

‘Ceremonies for Christmas’ is primarily about the lighting of the Christmas log. The speaker demands that it be brought into the room, accompanied by a suitable uproar of noise from the ‘merry boys’. Thanks to ‘my good dame’, a generous hostess, drinking opportunities are unlimited:

Come, bring with a noise, My merry, merry boys, The Christmas log to the firing; While my good dame, she Bids ye all be free And drink to your heart’s desiring.

The speaker next demands that the new block of wood for the Christmas fire be lit with a piece of the old wood, saved from the previous Christmas: ‘With the last year’s brand/Light the new block’. The middle stanza also refers to the ‘psaltries’ (or guitars) that have to be played as the wood kindles, bringing ‘sweet luck’. Once these ceremonies have been performed, the orders are to:

Drink now the strong beer,
Cut the white loaf here;
The while the meat is a-shredding
For the rare mince-pie,
And the plums stand by
To fill the paste that’s a-kneading.

It’s an abrupt end but typically matter of fact in manner. From this poem alone Herrick’s approval of wassailing or drinking to excess is unquestionable. However, his poem ‘Wassail’, written in 3-line stanzas, is ironically so called, for it takes to task the miserly household that refuses to open its doors for Christmas. Nothing is so grievous as the lack of beer. ‘Alas! We bless, but see none here/That brings us either ale or beer;/ In a dry house all things are near’. Neither are there any happy noises in a house ‘Where chimneys do for ever weep/For want of warmth, and stomachs keep,/With noise, the servants’ eyes from sleep’.

‘Twelfth Night or King and Queen’ describes the ‘cake full of plums’ (the ancestor of our Christmas pudding), and the election of the Twelfth Night king and queen by the successful recovery of a bean and pea hidden inside it: ‘Now, now the mirth comes/With the cake full of plums,/Where bean’s the king of the sport here’. Once the election is decided, the invitation is issued to all to ‘…make/Joy-sops with the cake’, and drink to a cup’s limits:

… let not a man then be seen here,
Who unurged will not drink,
To the base from the brink,
A health to the king and queen here.

The reference to ‘lamb’s wool’ in the penultimate stanza becomes less puzzling once ‘… a bowl full/With gentle lamb’s wool’ is recognised as the Devonshire name for a bowl of spiced beer. Herrick even provides a list of ingredients: ‘sugar, nutmeg and ginger,/With store of ale, too’, all necessary ‘to make the wassail a swinger’. Guests are encouraged to wassail the king and queen, and an assurance is given that the drinking is all good natured:

… though with ale ye be wet here,
Yet part ye from hence
As free from offence
As when ye innocent met here.

Herrick’s poems could be very short indeed. Two of the Christmas lyrics consist of only one 4-line stanza. ‘Another to the Maids’ warns the maids in a household against kindling the Christmas fire with ‘unwash’d hands’, the belief being that this will only put the fire out:

Wash your hands, or else the fire
Will not teend to your desire;
Unwash’d hands, ye maidens, know,
Dead the fire, though ye blow.

A second short poem, called simply ‘Another’, forms a companion-piece to the first, advising the maids to wassail the fruit trees in order to improve their fertility:

Wassail the trees, that they may bear
You many a plum and many a pear:
For more or less fruits they will bring,
As you do give them wassailing.

At fifty lines in length ‘A New Year’s Gift sent to Sir Simon Steward’ was one of the more ambitious Christmas poems. It is a composition that can be dated. Sir Simon (1575-1632) had been a student at Trinity Hall living on there for some years after his graduation. Besides combining the roles of a Justice of the Peace, High Sheriff, and MP, he was an occasional poet. Herrick sent him his long string of rhyming couplets in January, 1624, starting that no kind of bad political news would be the subject his letter. Instead Sir Simon should expect to find:

… here a jolly
Verse, crown’d with ivy and with holly,
That tells the winter’s tales and mirth,
That milkmaids make about the hearth,

In the mid stage of the poem various ‘Christmas sports’ and customs are affectionately named or mentioned, not least the choosing of the Twelfth Night king and queen. Sir Simon and his household are urged to read the poem, and ‘Remember us in cups full crown’d’. But the mood is not all joyful; in the final part Herrick touches on his favourite theme of the brevity of time, and insists that thoughts of future Christmases are preferable to ‘fled Decembers’. Better, it is suggested, to drink on until Father Bacchus ‘twirls the house about your ears’, attaching ‘your cares’ to the past year not the future one:

Then as yet sit about your embers,
Call not to mind those fled Decembers,
But think on those that are t’appear
As daughters to the instant year:
Sit crown’d with rosebuds, and carouse
Till Liber Pater twirls the house
About your ears; and lay upon
The year your cares that’s fled and gone.

However, the last piece of advice is light hearted. It is to enjoy the Christmas plays, and ‘Frolic the full twelve holidays’.

‘Ceremonies for Candlemas Eve’ is another poem about transience and the need to avoid regret. Who hasn’t taken down the Christmas decorations with a sense of relief and a feeling that it’s time to move on? Herrick captures that feeling, beginning his poem with the call to take down the Christmas greenery on Candlemas Eve (i.e. 1st February). He is happy to see a new plant, ‘the greener box … domineer’ instead. However, the box also has its time limit in the house, holding sway only up to ‘dancing Easter day’. His poem begins:

Down with the rosemary and bays,
Down with the mistletoe;
Instead of holly, now up-raise
The greener box (for show).
The holly hitherto did sway:
Let box now domineer
Until the dancing Easter day,
Or Easter’s eve appear.

As the year progresses, there is a recognisable succession of plants traditionally used for adornment. The ‘youthful box’ renews houses but when ‘Grown old, surrender must his place/Unto the crisped yew’. The yew is followed by the birch ‘And many flowers beside’ which do honour to Whitsuntide. In the final stanza, ‘green rushes’, ‘bents’ (so called because they are flowers which bend or droop?) and ‘cooler oaken boughs’ are considered ‘comely ornaments/To re-adorn the house’. But the poem does not end there.

Herrick adds an extra couplet to remind us that, as greenery goes in and out of favour in the house, so the shifts of time effect change in all things:

Green rushes, then, and sweetest bents,
With cooler oaken boughs
Come in with comely ornaments
To re-adorn the house.
Thus times do shift; each thing
his turn does hold;
New things succeed,
as former things grow old.

Through these varied poems Herrick gives us a remarkably strong picture of what a 17th-century Christmas in Devon was like, something to think about as we are enjoying our Christmas in the early 21stcentury. Anyone interested in reading more of his work should consult the website luminarium.org where his poems are available online.

The King James Bible

Rupert Neelands, Antiquarian Book and Manuscript Specialist

The King James Bible first appeared in 1611. No special tribute was paid to it then, yet it became the ‘Authorised Version’ for English-speaking Protestants, universally read or listened to from the mid-18th century onwards.

Perhaps the secret of its success lay in its secure foundation in the work of William Tyndale and Miles Coverdale. Tyndale’s New Testament of 1525, the first English translation of the Bible ever printed, survives in one imperfect copy. Tyndale was burned at the stake in 1536. But all subsequent translations owed much to him, and ‘nine-tenths’ of the King James New Testament is said to be his work (David Daniell, William Tyndale: A Biography, 1994, p. 1).

Whereas Tyndale worked in isolation, the making of the King James Bible involved a massive collaborative and consultative effort. Some fifty translators were divided into six committees in the three locations of Westminster, Cambridge and Oxford. Each committee was allotted a different part of the Bible to work on, and given the same rules or guide-lines to follow.

Every translator but one was ordained and therefore familiar with Holy Scripture. Some were to gain rich benefices as a reward for their scholarly work.

James I played more than a nominal part in the Bible named after him. The son of Mary Queen of Scots and Lord Darnley, he became James VI of Scotland at the age of one in 1567, when his mother abdicated. He succeeded Elizabeth I thirty-three years later on 24 March 1603, becoming head of the Anglican church while already head of the Presbyterian church in Scotland.

The new king of England had hardly left his palace of Holyrood in Edinburgh on the journey to London before he received a Millenary Petition from a delegation of English puritans, this urged him to hold a conference in order to discuss religious abuses. The idea met with his approval, and the conference was convened at the Presence Chamber, Hampton Court Palace, on 14 January 1604. John Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury, seven bishops and five cathedral deans all came fully robed. A smaller group of four moderate puritans represented the opposition.

When John Rainolds, leader of the puritans, used the conference to stand up and make an unexpected petition for a new Bible translation, Richard Bancroft, bishop of London, argued that the Bishops’ Bible was sufficient for the Church’s needs and should remain in use. The Bishops’ Bible of 1568 was a revisal of the Great Bible of 1539, so called because a group of Elizabethan bishops had responsibility for it. Despite the wish of the church hierarchy to keep on using it, James’s imagination caught light at the thought of a new Bible dedicated to himself. He soon agreed to the proposal and actively involved himself in management of the project.

The fifteen ‘rules to be observed in translation’, surviving in several manuscripts, were drawn up by Bancroft in probable consultation with the king. Rule 1 expressed the precedence to be granted to the Bishops’ Bible. ‘The ordinary Bible read in Church commonly called the Bishops’ Bible’ was the text ‘to be followed, and as little altered as the Truth of the Original [Hebrew or Greek Septuagint texts] will permit’. However, in practice rule 1 tended to be ignored by the translators who freely ‘absorbed, copied, and adapted from any source they wanted’ (Adam Nicolson, Power and Glory, 2004, p.73). This was allowed by rule 14.

The Geneva Bible of 1560, familiarly known as the ‘Breeches Bible’, was an English translation by William Whittingham, Miles Coverdale, Anthony Gilby and other protestant exiles strongly influenced by John Calvin. Over 150 editions were published, illustrated with woodcuts. It was first published in England in 1575-1576, and became the first Bible printed in Scotland in 1579, where it proved highly popular. James I, who felt threatened by its anti-authoritarian marginal glosses, ordered a stop to further printings shortly after first publication of the King James Version (KJV). Robert Barker, the king’s printer, nevertheless continued to print the Geneva version surreptitiously, using the false date of 1599 for copies printed from 1616 to 1625.

The rules made no other attempt to exclude the Geneva version as a source. It was the first English Bible to be divided into chapters and verses, and the KJV followed the same divisions. Use of the Geneva text was actually encouraged under rule 14 which allowed all the earlier Protestant versions to be made use of ‘when they agree better with the [Hebrew and Greek] text than the Bishops’ Bible’; in practice its influence was ‘very considerable’ (Herbert p. 131).

One memorable turn of phrase which the KJV borrowed from it was St Paul’s ‘For now we see through a glass darkly’ (I Corinthians 13.12). On the other hand, there was no compromise on the issue of the hated marginal annotations. Rule 6 expressly forbad their use, allowing only short philological notes.

The six companies chosen for the translation did painstaking work through the years 1604 to 1608. The First Westminster Company, led by Lancelot Andrewes, dean of Westminster, a scholar of outstanding abilities, was given responsibility for Genesis up to the Second Book of Kings. John Overall, William Bedwell and Richard Thomson were all members of the same company. The dean of St Paul’s, Overall had taken part in the Hampton Court conference. Bedwell had become the country’s leading specialist in Arabic, a language which he rightly regarded as an aid to the understanding of Hebrew; he was vicar of All Hallows, Tottenham, from 1607. ‘Dutch Thomson’, so called because he was born in the Netherlands, was known for his drinking but also considered ‘a most admirable philologer’, equally at ease translating the Bible or the obscene epigrams of the Roman poet, Martial; Andrewes rewarded him with the living of Snailwell, Cambridgeshire.

for Genesis up to the Second Book of Kings. John Overall, William Bedwell and Richard Thomson were all members of the same company. The dean of St Paul’s, Overall had taken part in the Hampton Court conference. Bedwell had become the country’s leading specialist in Arabic, a language which he rightly regarded as an aid to the understanding of Hebrew; he was vicar of All Hallows, Tottenham, from 1607. ‘Dutch Thomson’, so called because he was born in the Netherlands, was known for his drinking but also considered ‘a most admirable philologer’, equally at ease translating the Bible or the obscene epigrams of the Roman poet, Martial; Andrewes rewarded him with the living of Snailwell, Cambridgeshire.

The task of translating some of the Bible’s finest poetry — the Book of Job, the Song of Solomon, and the Psalms — went to the First Cambridge Company. The first line of Psalm 23 had been translated as ‘The Lord is my shepherd: therefore can I lack nothing’ by Coverdale. The Company changed the line to ‘The Lord is my shepherd; I shall not want’ with simple but profound effect. Its leader was Laurence Chaderton, the first Master of Emmanuel College, and one of the four puritans who had attended the Hampton Court Conference. Thomas Harrison, its most learned member, had studied Hebrew at Merchant Taylor’s School like Lancelot Andrewes but had much greater sympathy for the puritan cause.

Having been the person to propose the new translation, John Rainolds, President of Corpus Christi College, became the effective leader of the First Oxford Company. Entrusted with the final third of the Old Testament from Isaiah to Malachi, ‘this was the only company whose collective expertise rivalled Andrewes’s First Westminster Company’ (Gordon Campbell, Bible. The Story of the King James Version 1611-2011, Oxford, 2011, p. 52). Thomas Holland knew rabbinical as well as biblical Hebrew. Richard Brett’s languages were Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Aramaic, Arabic and Ethiopic. Richard Kilbye ‘had an incomparable command of Hebrew sources’. Miles Smith, a scholar with no current university affiliation, possessed an extraordinary knowledge of Jewish exegesis and ancient languages.

Smith’s appointment as Bishop of Gloucester in 1612 suggests that his work was highly appreciated. Besides fulfilling his role for the First Oxford Company, he also sat on the Committee of Two, with Thomas Bilson, Bishop of Winchester, the two acting as the Bible’s final revisers at proof stage. He contributed an anonymous preface to the KJV entitled ‘The Translators to the Reader,’ in which he declared that Bibles in all languages were consulted in the revisal process: ‘Neither did we think much to consult the Translators or Commentators, Chaldee [Aramaic], Hebrew,
Syrian, Greek or Latin, nor the Spanish, French, Italian or Dutch [i.e. German], neither did we disdain to revise that which we had done, and to bring back to the anvil that which
we had hammered’.

The Second Oxford Company, responsible for a large proportion of the New Testament, met in the rooms of Sir Henry Savile, the Warden of Merton College. Savile has been described as ‘the most glamorous of the translators’ (Nicolson, p. 163). The only one not to take holy orders, he combined the roles of courtier, astronomer and translator. He had a love of mathematics, was England’s foremost astronomer, and the possessor of an eminent knowledge of patristic Greek. To join the company of translators, he broke off work on his 8-volume edition of the works of St John
Chrysostom (eventually published at ruinous cost).

The translators were traditionalists ‘content to leave in place the language of earlier generations that was embodied in previous translations’ (Campbell p. 73). The KJV shows a consistent bias towards older linguistic forms, and a preference for plain language and monosyllabic words. Its use of language is conservative for the time, even archaic in key respects. The pronouns ‘ye’ and ‘thou’ and ‘thee’, and the ‘-eth’ endings used for singular verbs had already ceased to be standard English by 1611.

Rules 3-4 concerned the avoidance of puritan terminology (e.g. ‘Congregation’ for ‘Church’, ‘Washing’ for ‘Baptism’) and, closely related to this, the necessity to stick to traditional
usage when a word had more than one possible meaning. Yet the solemn cadenced quality of the language was not the product of prescriptive rules but a readiness to efface differences in personality in order to achieve an enduring and consistent style of biblical English.

In 1608 the work of the companies was presented at the ‘General Meeting’ or revisal committee referred to under rule 10. Two more years, 1609 and 1610, were spent in review by the six members of the revisal committee sitting in London, then by the Committee of Two who saw the book through the press. The following year the King James Bible was printed for the first time by Robert Barker.

‘The quality of the first edition of KJV, judged purely as a printed book, comfortably exceeded that of any other book printed in the seventeenth century’ (Campbell p. 107). It is of deeply impressive size befitting its place on a church lectern, the 74 preliminary pages add to its weight, the black letter typeface in double columns suits the solemnity of the text, and the margins are uncluttered by extensive notes.

The leaf after the title carries a dedicatory epistle to James I who is revered as ‘the principal mover and author of the work’. Surprisingly though, there is no royal portrait in the first edition. None of the translators are named. The principal decorative features are the engraved general title by Cornelis Boel (see illustration), a woodcut title to the New Testament, and a double-page engraved map of Canaan after John Speed. Woodcut illustrations are restricted to the genealogical tables, and nothing impresses so much as the spacious columns of Holy Scripture, divided into chapters and verses.

There are two issues of the first edition, known as the Great ‘He’ and Great ‘She’ Bibles, one with the incorrect reading ‘and he went into the city’ (Ruth iii 15), the other with the pronoun
corrected to ‘she’. Though both are dated 1611, the ‘He’ Bible is the recognised first issue.

The folio editions published within the first few years are not very rare but, after decades or even centuries of church use, they tend to be in poor condition with pages missing and other imperfections. The $52,500 paid for a first edition, first issue, at a Chicago auction last year was an impressive sum for a defective copy — this was rebound and lacked the title-page, map, last leaf, and six other leaves; 31 leaves at the beginning and end were frayed or torn with loss of text and repaired (Hindman, May 2021). Even single leaves are traded. But complete copies of an early edition are rarely met with.

Of special historical note is the Houghton copy, last seen at auction in 1989. Copies of the first edition do not get better than this one. In place of the usual engraved title, it has a very rare woodcut title previously used for the Bishops’ Bible. The natural assumption is that the earliest copies came from the press before the engraved title was ready, the woodcut title was used as a substitute for advance copies. The Houghton copy also possesses a stunning red morocco binding with a central lozenge built of small gilt tools around the insignia of the Most Noble Order of the Garter (see illustration). In 1979, this copy realised £17,000 in Arthur Houghton’s celebrated single owner sale at Christie’s.

In the ‘Garden sale’ ten years later, competition for it had grown to such an extent that it sold for £143,000 (Sotheby’s, November 1989). If re-offered at auction today when high spots are in such strong demand, £400,000 hammer would certainly be a fair expectation.

Currently, the $396,500 given for the Moore – Silver – Newberry Library copy at the Pyrie sale (Sotheby’s New York, December 2016) is the highest price paid for a first edition. Although this was a record amount, the winning bid of $320,000 (before the addition of premium) was under the ambitious pre-sale estimate of $400,000- 600,000. The Pyrie copy satisfied the demand that a
bibliophile copy be complete. It was also an impressively tall copy, according to the catalogue ‘the tallest copy known’; though rebacked it had kept its contemporary blind-tooled calf covers; and it had belonged to Louis H.

Silver (1902-1963), the great Chicago book collector. Two other first edition copies made big prices at the same period, they were complete but had the disadvantage of being rebound. One made £173,000 (Bonham’s, April 2015), the other the almost identical sum of £167,000 (Christie’s, July 2017). Although a folio size seems integral to the KJV’s character, smaller formats were printed for the benefit of family devotions and private study. The earliest separate edition of the New Testament was a 12mo printed in 1611. The first quarto and first octavo edition of both parts appeared in 1612, printed in roman type. The first black letter quarto edition then followed in 1613. The second folio edition is dated 1613-1611. An apparently rushed response to the quick sale of the first edition, some copies of the second are a mixture of pages from both. A third distinct folio edition, printed in large black letters, made its appearance in 1617.

To add to the possible confusion, there were also small folio editions distinct from the large ones. Up to 1629 all English Bibles were printed by Robert Barker in partnership with Bonham Norton and John Bill. In 1630 Bill’s death and Norton’s imprisonment restored Barker to full control. However, the king’s printer was in financial difficulties which only deepened when a 1631 octavo edition of the KJV omitted the ‘not’ from the seventh commandment in Exodus 20. Adultery was recommended to all. Matters were made even worse because some copies printed the beginning of
Deuteronomy 5:24 as ‘The Lord our God hath shewed us his glory, and his great asse’ (instead of ‘greatnesse’).

As a result ‘the whole Impression was called in, and the printers deeply fined [said to be 300 pounds]’ (Peter Heylyn, Cyprianus Anglicus, 1668). Barker spent the rest of his life in debtor’s prison, and the offending Bible became ‘rare and valuable’ to collectors. The Pyrie copy of the ‘Wicked Bible’ made $47,500 when first sold in 2016, and advanced a little on this figure when resold in 2018. Its big plus was the contemporary blindpanelled calf binding, however the text was not complete.

In Charles I’s reign the monopoly of the king’s printer was ended by the printing of the KJV in Cambridge. The first Cambridge folio, dated 1629, carries the imprint of the university printers, Thomas and John Buck, for the first time. With over 200 changes to the text, it more than compensated for the ‘declining standards’ of the king’s printer. Still more editorial improvements were made in the second Cambridge folio of 1638. Oxford too won the right to print Bibles, eventually exercised in a 1673 New Testament and a complete King James Bible in 1675. The second Oxford quarto (1679) introduced a biblical chronology with dates ‘anno mundi’ rather than ‘anno domini’. The Nativity is dated 4000 years after the Creation.

In the early eighteenth century Bible imprints are dominated by one man, John Baskett, who fought hard to secure a Bible monopoly, partly achieved though leasing the right to print Bibles for Oxford University. Baskett published twelve folio editions of the KJV, the first of which, dated 1717-1716, is the most sought after. Red rules circumscribe its half-page engravings by Vandergucht and text in double columns.

Grades of paper varied and three copies were even printed on vellum at astonishing expense. However, there were failings not in magnificence but in textual accuracy, leading one reviewer to refer to Baskett’s Bible as ‘a Baskett-ful of Errors’. After it got noticed that his version of Luke 20 was headed ‘the parable of the vinegar’ instead of ‘the parable of the vineyard’, it became the ‘Vinegar Bible’.

The folio King James Bible printed in Cambridge in 1763 was also an impressive undertaking. It too was printed on huge sheets of imperial paper but without the adornment of engravings. It strove to attract the reader through the serif typeface designed by its printer, John Baskerville. Despite its relatively late date, the Baskerville connection makes it a valuable Bible today. An average copy will sell at auction for £3000-5000 hammer. The Wardington copy, in contemporary Irish red morocco, still holds the auction record, selling for as much as £18,000, with premium added, sixteen years ago (Sotheby’s, 2006).

Two folio Bibles with eminent editors were published in the 1760s. The Cambridge University Press Bible, edited by F.S. Parris, appeared in 1762, to be followed by the Oxford edition of 1769, edited by Benjamin Blayney. Blayney had incorporated most of Parris’s improvements into his edition which became the standard text for the mass printings of the 19th century.

F.S. Parris, appeared in 1762, to be followed by the Oxford edition of 1769, edited by Benjamin Blayney. Blayney had incorporated most of Parris’s improvements into his edition which became the standard text for the mass printings of the 19th century.

Of great renown in the United States is the Bible printed by Robert Aitken in Philadelphia, 1782-1781. This was the first complete English Bible actually printed in America. A 12mo reprint of the KJV, it became known as the ‘Bible of the Revolution’ and was small enough for Washington’s soldiers to fit into their coat pockets. A worn condition is almost obligatory for it, as it evokes the hard-fought war of American Independence. As many as 10,000 copies may have been printed but a bedraggled copy sold last year for $94,500 (Sotheby’s New York, April 2021). This fell slightly
short of the $118,750 given for a copy with minor losses and edge wear to pages sold a few years earlier (Christie’s New York, June 2018).

It took time for the KJV to become the predominant, and most loved Protestant Bible in English, its use of our language almost mystically linked with patriotism and love of one’s country. As Peter McCullough and Valentine Cunningham point out, the translators themselves were reluctant to give up earlier versions whose use was habitual to them (see ‘After Lives of the King James Bible 1611-1769’ in Helen Moore and Julian Reid, editors, Manifold Greatness.

The Making of the King James Bible, Bodleian Library, 2011, p. 141). However, this was not the case with younger generations who grew up with the Bible of King James. John Donne’s greatly admired sermons, issued in three successive volumes, nowhere deviate from the KJV text.

At the Restoration in 1660 the Bible was reissued, becoming the ‘go to’ text for English religious vocabulary. The Anglican poet George Herbert, and the Anglo-Catholic Henry Vaughan made consistent use of it. John Milton, ‘republican, regicide, enemy of established churches’ and yet the versifier of Genesis and author of Samson Agonistes, a biblical tragedy, seems to have preferred using a Latin Bible; the Greek and Hebrew originals were also totally familiar to him.

Nevertheless, he owned a first quarto edition of the King James Bible, published in 1612. This was poignantly used to record births and deaths in his own family, the first entry being his own birth on 9 December, 1608. Swift, writing in 1712, praised the KJV for its ‘Simplicity,’ preferring its use of English to the contemporary language.

Important links were developed between the Bible and contemporary music. Henry Purcell, ‘the giant of Restoration music’, gave choral expression to the ‘Song of Solomon’ and other key passages of the KJV. In McCullogh and Cunningham’s words (p. 147), nothing ‘did more to ingrain the most loved passages of the KJV into popular consciousness than Charles Jennens’s libretto for Handel’s Messiah (1741-42)’. The source of its ‘masterful textual fabric’ was ‘almost exclusively’ the King James Bible.

Edward Lear’s Book of Nonsense

Rupert Neelands, Antiquarian Book and Manuscript Specialist

Though not the inventor Edward Lear (1812-1888) was certainly the great user and populariser of the verse form we call the limerick. One example of his work, previously unknown, has just come to light after being long hidden in the Charnwood Autograph Collection in the British Library.
It concerns the inevitable ‘old man’, this time on a bicycle, and was composed for a young lady, Mary Theresa Mundella (1847-1922) whom Lear often wrote to. As the expression of an absurd situation, with an undertone of violence, it is a highly characteristic piece of nonsense:
There was an old man on a Bycicle,
Whose nose was adorned with an Icicle;
But they said — ‘If you stop,
It will certainly drop,
& abolish both you and your Bycicle’.
The unfortunate bicyclist is, of course, drawn in. Lear illustrated all his own poems, demonstrating equal fertility of imagination as a poet and artist.Born in the village of Holloway on 12 May, 1812, he was the twentieth child in a family of twenty-one children. His devoted older sister, Ann, brought him up in a separate home from his countless siblings. Suffering from epilepsy, chronic asthma and weak eyesight, his education was mostly at her hands. His father, a stockbroker of Danish background, had understandable money troubles. Fortunately, Lear’s natural ability as an artist and draughtsman enabled him to earn a living from the age of sixteen, and ultimately win the wholesale admiration of society. Between July and August 1846 he visited Queen Victoria at Osborne House in order to teach her ‘landscape painting in watercolours’. But he was also faced with the difficulties of being a homosexual in the morally censorious climate of mid-19th-century England. While he was to find living abroad easier, he was always a lonely man and this comes across in the sad, forlorn quality of his nonsense poems.

The recently formed Zoological Society of London employed the young Lear as an ‘ornithological draughtsman’. His first publication, Illustrations of the Family of Psittacidae, or Parrots, began to appear in parts when he was nineteen, publication continuing from 1830 to 1832. This exotic publication was based on the Zoological Society’s own collection of specimens, and it was through the Society that he first made the acquaintance of Lord Stanley, later 13th Earl of Derby. The aviary and menagerie at Knowsley Hall, Lord Stanley’s ancestral home near Liverpool, were the largest in the kingdom, eventually occupying 100 acres of land and 70 acres of water.

Lear accepted Lord Stanley’s invitation to reside at Knowsley, which he did on and off in the years 1832-1837. His role as artist in residence was to record the singular-looking birds and mammals in his patron’s zoo, and he became the first major artist to draw birds from life instead of skins. In his leisure time he entertained the children at Knowsley with poems, drawings, alphabets and menus.

He illustrated the limericks he found in Anecdotes and Adventures of Fifteen Gentlemen (circa 1822), and his mind soon teemed with his own. However, he never used the term limerick, preferring to call his lyrics ‘nonsenses’. His charming conversation and piano improvisations were no less pleasing to the adults.

Lear moved to Rome in 1837, joining a circle of expatriate English painters and writers, landscape drawing made less of a demand on his weak eyesight. A ten year sojourn in Italy led to two richly illustrated books, Views in Rome and Its Environs (1841) and the 2-volume Illustrated Excursions in Italy (1846-1847). The year 1846 also saw publication of two other titles. Both contained depictions of birds and animals, and were yet utterly different in character. Gleanings from the Menagerie at Knowsley Hall, a book paid for by his patron, was a folio illustrated with 17 hand-coloured lithographed plates after Lear, a serious work of natural history.

The Book of Nonsense by Down Derry Down was an all-lithographed work in two parts, each bound separately in two oblong octavo volumes, their content seventy-two limericks printed on one side of the leaf only, each with an illustration after the author. Both volumes had the same pictorial front board capturing the moment of uproarious delight when the poet-artist passes his Book of Nonsense to a group of children. The accompanying limerick reads:
There was an old Derry down Derry,
Who loved to see little folks merry:
So he made them a Book,
And with laughter they shook,
At the fun of that Derry down Derry!
Just visible beneath this opening limerick is the date 10 February 1846 and the imprint of Thomas McLean, 26 Haymarket. About 500 copies were published by McLean, and sold at 3/6d.


Lear persisted with the pseudonym of ‘Derry Down Derry’ for the second one-volume edition by McLean which appeared in 1856. This reprint is today rarer than the first edition itself. A third edition, commissioned from Routledge, Warne and Routledge by the author, was published in 1861-62, and became the basis for all future editions. This time, Lear supplied 43 new limericks accompanied by his illustrations; lithographs were replaced by wood-engravings made from his drawings by the Dalziel brothers, who did the printing. Three limericks in the original edition were deemed unsatisfactory and dropped. Lear, who was named as author for the first time, included this dedication expressing how his poems had already given pleasure to two generations: ‘To the Great-Grandchildren, Grand-Nephews, and Grand-Nieces of Edward, 13th Earl of Derby, this book of drawings and verses (the greater part of which were originally made and composed for their parents) is dedicated by the author, Edward Lear’. The dedication is dated 1862 at the foot.

Once the third edition of 2000 copies had sold out, copyright was bought by Routledge who reissued it on a regular basis. Within only two years, it had reached a ‘fourteenth edition’. The first American edition is probably that by Willis P. Hazard of Philadelphia in 1863, copying the Routledge printing of the same year.
After settling at San Remo, Italy, Lear published three more volumes of nonsense with his own illustrations. Nonsense Songs, Stories, Botany and Alphabets appeared in 1871. Its most famous poems include ‘The Owl and the Pussycat’, written for the three year old Janet Symonds, and ‘The Jumblies’. Both narrate journeys to remote places. But in their romance, the owl and the pussycat go to sea in a pea-green boat, while the Jumblies seal their fate by departing for ‘far’ places in a sieve.
More Nonsense, 1872, was devoted to fresh limericks. Laughable Lyrics. A Fourth Book of Nonsense Poems, last to come out in 1877, included favourites like ‘The Dong with a Luminous Nose’ and ‘The Courtship of the Yonghy-Bonghy-Bò’. Lear’s inventiveness seemed to have no limits. Nonsensical creatures abound in this last volume, as do nonsensical landscapes like ‘the Hills of the Chankly Bore’ and ‘the Great Gromboolian Plain’.
All too commonly the Book of Nonsense was read to destruction. This is especially true of the first edition, whose pages were glued but not sewn together. ‘The two volumes consisted of individual leaves glued to the back with rubber solution; the contents, prone to disintegration, often fell to pieces and were thrown away. Others were rescued, but rebound with leaves missing or replaced in a different order. This did not make for wide distribution, and when a second edition was published in 1855, it too was shoddily lithographed and bound’ (Grolier 32). A census taken by Justin Schiller in 1988 located only 11 complete and 12 incomplete copies of the first edition, though the number of survivals now appears a little higher than that.

In buying a modern edition of Lear’s nonsense verse, it is important to ensure that all his original illustrations are included, and not just a small selection of them. For it is actually the interplay between illustration and text which is the source of enjoyment. If you read the ‘nonsense’ first, it raises the question of how the illustration can make sense of it. If you begin with the illustration, you then want to know how its grotesqueness can possibly be explained in the snippets of verse below. Invariably the focus is on a single individual, separated by one peculiarity from the rest of society and essentially in conflict with it. In some cases eccentricity triumphs over dull conformity, in others it lamentably fails. But the game of seeing how verse and illustration match up together provides endless fun.
Lear had begun to systematically collect and illustrate limericks, some years before A Book of Nonsense appeared in 1846. Evidence for this comes from an amazing 2-volume manuscript notebook filled with drawings and limericks, included in the Edward Lear exhibition at the Royal Academy in 1985. The notebook had first been uncovered in 1981; to then be published by Penguin as Bosh and Nonsense in 1982, at which point it was given an 1860s date of composition. However, the date was revised to the early 1840s by the Royal Academy, and when the notebook was auctioned in 1986 Sotheby’s agreed. The contents were summarised as ‘79 humorous ink drawings and the accompanying autograph verses, each on a separate sheet, numbered 1-80, number 11 no longer present’. 16 of the limericks had never been included in print, while the variation among the drawings was even greater. ‘At least twenty’ were ‘alternative designs, with no similarity to the published drawings’. The notebook left its estimate of £40,000-60,000 behind to reach a figure of £143,000, a sum which would easily be tripled, perhaps even quadrupled, if it went under the hammer today.

Copies of A Book of Nonsense in first edition form which are badly worn and/or defective won’t normally command a big price. Three copies of the first edition came up for auction in 2016, following a period of 12 years in which there had been no recorded sales (see ABPC database). In March 2016, Bonham’s sold a first edition lacking 2 plates for only £800 hammer. In May, the price rose slightly for a much repaired copy lacking one plate. This made $2000 at Swann’s. Such incomplete copies may be destined for framing, if not too damaged. However, the third copy sold at Sotheby’s on 20 October 2016, was certainly not one to be broken up. This was complete, and despite being ‘affected by spotting and browning throughout’, bidding closed at £35,000 hammer, not a bad investment for 3/6d.

Alice in Wonderland

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Rupert Neelands, Antiquarian Book and Manuscript Specialist

Charles Lutwidge Dodgson (1832-1898), known to all by his pseudonym of Lewis Carroll, was born into a high-church Anglican family living in Cheshire, the third of eleven children. His father, also named Charles, obtained a double first in mathematics and classics at Christ Church, Oxford, and taught Mathematics at his college before marrying a cousin, Frances Jane “Fanny” Lutwidge from Hull, in 1827. Perpetual curate at Daresbury, Cheshire, from the year of his marriage, then from 1843, when his son was aged twelve, rector at Croft-on-Tees in Yorkshire, Charles Dodgson was the devout author of twenty-four books on theology and religious subjects.
The son was a humourist. He possessed the natural ability to amuse children, and first practised storytelling, versifying, and punning on his own siblings. With this comic ability came the unshakeable gravitas of excelling at mathematics. Like his father, Charles junior read and taught mathematics at Christ Church, taking first class honours in the subject in 1854 and a second in classics. His exceptional talent won him the Christ Church Mathematical Lectureship in 1855, and he remained a mathematical professor until 1881.

Alice Liddle aged 7

Alice Pleasance Liddell, aged seven, photographed by Charles Dodgson in 1860

Charles’s jokes were rather literary or donnish in nature. His pseudonym, first used in March 1856 for publication of a poem on “Solitude”, was a piece of linguistic drollery, a translation of his own name into Latin as Carolus Ludovicus. The two names cunningly inverted were then translated back into English as Lewis Carroll. He enjoyed getting pieces into print. From 1854 onwards, he published poems and prose pieces, games and puzzles, in a string of magazines which included Punch and Dickens’s All the Year Round. A bibliography of over 300 items reflects the great energy and fertility of his mind, as do the 98,721 letters which he sent and received during the last thirty-seven years of his life.

Charles Lutwidge Dodgson

Charles Lutwidge Dodgson at Christ Church 1856-60 (John Rich Album, NPG)

Charles was also an “inveterate gadgeteer” (ODNB) and problem solver. He devised a travelling chess set with holes into which the pieces could be secured. He loved prescribing or improving rules, and even suggested fairer rules for knockout tennis competitions. A spin off from the Alice books was the “The Wonderland Postage-Stamp Case” in 1889. Accompanied by the pamphlet Eight or Nine Wise Words about Letter-Writing, this was intended to promote the habit of correspondence among children. Among the games he devised was an early version of “Scrabble”.

Tom Quad, Christ Church

As lecturer in mathematics, Charles Dodgson had rooms on the first floor of Tom Quad, Christ Church

His favourite contrivance was the camera. He enjoyed considerable reputation as a collodion wet-plate photographer, acquiring his first camera and lens on 18 March 1856, very shortly before the appearance at Christ Church of a new Dean, Henry George Liddell and his family. The Dean’s habit of being consistently late for services may have made him the model for the White Rabbit. But a growing acquaintance with the three Liddell daughters, Edith, Lorina and Alice, affected Charles’s life much more deeply. On 25 April 1856, while on his way to the Deanery to photograph Christ Church Cathedral with a borrowed camera, he met the three girls together for the first time. Alice, the middle daughter, was then aged four. He noted that they “were in the garden most of the time” but “were not patient sitters”. Their family was also large, eventually numbering ten siblings watched over by their governess, Miss Prickett.
Charles first photographed the Liddell daughters with his own camera on 3 June 1856. Their heavy clothing is noticeable in many of his portraits. Like other photographers of the period, he sometimes put his young sitters in more free flowing theatrical outfits. It is a well-known and hardly surprising fact that they sometimes posed nude or semi-nude for him. His 1860 photograph of Alice as a beggar girl was greatly admired by Tennyson.

Alice Liddell as The Beggar Maid

Alice Liddell as “The Beggar Maid” by Charles Dodgson, c. 1858

The Dean’s three daughters became frequent sitters. In 1932 Alice recalled that they never resented having to sit still because of the wonderful stories Charles would tell them and even illustrate with his drawings. Alice, the prettiest, is typically seen in photographs “with short, straight dark hair cut in a fringe, large blue eyes and a strikingly gentle and innocent face” (Sally Brown, editor, Alice’s Adventures Under Ground: The Original Manuscript, British Library, 2016, pp.8-9). As his visits to the Deanery increased in frequency, “his emotional attachment to Alice grew and ripened, and for some seven years he lived the charmed life of a cherished friend and sometimes consort to the beautiful, impetuous child” (Morton N. Cohen, ODNB).
The literary Alice, the heroine of Charles’s stories, took on a definite life of her own on 4 July 1862 during a boat trip “up the river to Godstow”. Listening to him speak of her encounters with humanised animals were Lorina, Alice, and Edith, now aged from thirteen down to eight. Charles himself was thirty-three. Robinson Duckworth, another young don, was also present. The genesis of the story was recalled in the poem, “All in the Golden Afternoon”, used as a preface to Alice in Wonderland. This describes how the three girls begged to have a story from him. When he had exhausted “the wells of fancy” they demanded more. The poem confirms that construction of the characters and incidents was gradual. “Thus grew the tale of Wonderland:/Thus slowly, one by one,/ Its quaint events were hammered out — /And now the tale is done”.

Alice, Ina, Harry and Edith Liddell

Alice, Ina, Harry and Edith Liddell by Charles Dodgson, albumen print, spring 1860 (NPG)

On 6 August, a month after his inspired narration, Charles again took the “the three Liddells” upriver to Godstow. On the way, he seems to have become slightly exasperated because only one amusement would satisfy them, a continuation of the story. “I had to go on with my interminable fairy-tale of Alice’s adventures,” he confided in his diary. The story then passed from an oral to a written stage. At the insistence of his favourite child, he began “writing the fairy-tale for Alice” on 13 November 1862. The tale universally known as Alice in Wonderland was first called Alice’s Adventures under Ground; it was to be a keepsake for Alice, a showpiece in the Deanery, not for public consumption.

Decorative title-page

Decorative title-page to a treasured literary manuscript, Alice’s Adventures under Ground by Charles Dodgson (1863), now in the BL

Inscription to Alice Liddell

From oral tradition to finished manuscript: the inscription to Alice Liddell on the title verso faces the opening page of Alice’s Adventures

Charles finished copying out the story in his neat “manuscript print” hand on 10 February 1863, leaving spaces for the addition of his own drawings (he was an eager but untrained artist). The attitudes of the characters in his thirty-seven sepia ink drawings were to be carefully followed by John Tenniel, as the illustrator of Alice in Wonderland. Charles portrayed himself as the Dodo, and Lorina and Edith as the Lory and Eaglet. Alice, now ten years old, got the star part. Yet Charles would always deny that his eponymous heroine was the Alice he knew. He certainly decided that his heroine should not physically resemble his “ideal child-friend” (Letters, 561). In his manuscript her portrait with dark, bobbed hair appears at the foot of the penultimate page, copied from a photograph taken at the age of seven. Otherwise the long, fair hair of the heroine could have been modelled on Edith, Alice Liddell’s younger sister.

Pen-and-ink portrait of Alice Liddell

Pen-and-ink portrait of Alice Liddell from photograph on the penultimate page of Charles Dodgson’s manuscript

Original illustration from Alice’s Adventures Under Ground

The heroine says goodbye to her feet in one of the author’s original illustrations (Alice’s Adventures Under Ground, p.11)

The morocco-bound manuscript which Charles gave to Alice in November 1864 was a substantial part of the book that we know as Alice in Wonderland. It eventually became a book in its own right when a facsimile was published in 1886, late in Charles’s life. In 1928 Alice was forced to sell the manuscript to pay death duties. It then came into the ownership of Eldridge Johnson, and following his death in 1945 was given to the British Library by a group of American benefactors in 1948.
Charles kept his word by giving the finished story to Alice for Christmas, but he also broke an intimacy by first showing it to the family of the children’s author, George Macdonald, who insisted he publish. When Henry Kingsley, brother of Charles Kingsley, saw it on proud display at the Deanery he suggested the same thing. Instead of being a finishing point the manuscript became a stage in a continuing creative process, it needed enlarging for the public gaze. Charles took on the cost of publication and chose the Clarendon Press as printers, receiving specimen pages from them in the summer of 1863. Alexander Macmillan, co-founder of the Macmillan publishing house, agreed to distribute the book on commission.
Meanwhile Charles’s happy relationship with the Liddell family seemed to slowly ice over. In June 1863 a serious rupture occurred. The question of why he started keeping a formal distance from the family and his “ideal child-friend” has no certain answer, especially as the relevant page of his diary has been razored out. Despite Alice being only eleven, there is the possibility that he made a marriage proposal which was received unfavourably. An alternative suggestion is that Alice’s older sister, Lorina or “Ina”, became too strongly attached to him. Thereafter Alice grew up and grew away from him. By 1871, when Through the Looking Glass was published, she would be nearly twenty years old and a child no longer.
Being busy with publication must have been some compensation to Charles for the loss of Alice’s company, devastating though this was. He added more text to his manuscript version, completing the first sections by May 1864. The Cheshire cat episodes were among the fresh material, and there were two entirely new chapters, “Pig and Pepper” and “A Mad Tea Party”. The Mad Hatter and his friends, the March Hare and Dormouse, also appear in the trial of the Knave of Hearts. The title itself became the more euphonic Alice in Wonderland.

John Tenniel by Leslie Ward

“Punch”, caricature of John Tenniel by Leslie Ward (“Spy”), published in Vanity Fair, 26 October 1878

The choice of John Tenniel, the leading Punch cartoonist, as illustrator was a happy one. He imbues the characters encountered by Alice with an absurd solemnity. Less to Charles’s liking, he worked slowly and took publication well beyond the hoped-for date of Christmas 1864. Tenniel was charged with providing illustrations in all sorts of shapes and sizes, yet also given the freedom to select scenes and decide how characters should be portrayed. Many of his designs are refinements of Charles’s original drawings for the fair copy manuscript. New characters such as the Cheshire Cat and March Hare were of Tenniel’s own invention but stylistically uniform with everything else. The Punch artist was well assisted by the wood-engraving of the Dalziel brothers. The representation of the heroine is more defined in line block. A much greater air of gravity is imparted to Alice, her dress and general disposition are immaculate.

The White Rabbit scurrying into the darkness

Tenniel’s depiction of the White Rabbit scurrying into the darkness as Alice pleads for help (ch. 2)

Although Tenniel had agreed to the project on 5 April 1864, Charles only saw a first drawing, the White Rabbit scurrying away from Alice, on 12 October. A postponement until Easter 1865 was agreed with Macmillan after the death of the artist’s mother. Even so, Tenniel failed to meet the new deadline, not least because the number of illustrations rose from twelve to an eventual forty-two. Once the final drawing was received in June 1865, the Clarendon Press went quickly to print, and had 2000 copies ready by the end of the month. The binding of bright red cloth, with gilt medallions of Alice and the Cheshire Cat, was Charles’s choice (see his letter to Macmillan, 11 November 1864). The page edges were cut but not gilded.
When only about 50 copies had actually been bound in red cloth (a few copies, including Alice’s, were in white vellum), Tenniel wrote to complain of the “disgraceful” printing. Nine pages had been printed too lightly, another nine were too heavily impressed. Exception was also taken to ink bleed, widowed lines and use of mixed fonts. The relationship between author and illustrator is not well documented; both were perfectionists, wanting the best result possible, and Charles found such stinging criticism impossible to ignore. Despite costs of £497, he suppressed the entire edition and even sought to recover the presentation copies already sent out. Most were returned, and then passed on to children’s hospitals and institutions. The other bound copies and unbound sheets were sold to D. Appleton and Company, New York, who issued them as the first American edition in 1866. All told, just 23 copies of the 1865 Alice are known to have survived from the 2000 printed.

letter from Charles Dodgson to Alexander Macmillan

One-page autograph letter from Charles Dodgson to Alexander Macmillan, dated Christ Church Oxford, 11 November 1864, stating that “bright red will be the best” binding colour for Alice

Following the suppression of the first edition, another edition of 2000 copies was printed by Richard Clay of Bungay. This second edition (or first edition replacement) was published on 18 November 1865 but dated 1866. Although its paper quality and typesetting were improved, the difference of a year in the date is the key change. Copies may have light blue or dark green endpapers, the red cloth binding remains a striking feature, the page edges are now gilded.

Frontispiece and title-page to the 1865 first edition of Alice in Wonderland, Bodleian Library copy

Frontispiece and title-page to the 1865 first edition of Alice in Wonderland, Bodleian Library copy

It didn’t take long for “Lewis Carroll” to become a household name. His book reached a fifth edition in 1868 with a grand total of 13,000 copies printed, and he started on the sequel, Through the Looking Glass and What Alice found There, in 1869. Later editions of Alice in Wonderland state the number of copies printed, and 98,000 was the remarkable total reached in 1932. Macmillan’s last reprint was in 1942. When Tenniel’s illustrations were used for The Nursery Alice, a version for younger children, they were colour printed for the first time (1889-90). This was another troublesome publication, however. The original edition again had to be suppressed, the author telling Macmillan that the colouring was “far too bright and gaudy” (23 June 1889).

Image of Alice with Blonde hair

Tenniel’s illustrations were coloured by Edmund Evans for The Nursery Alice (1890). The heroine has unmistakably long blonde hair, unlike Alice Liddell’s short, dark hair at the same age

Thanks to the harsh judgement of Tenniel, the first edition of Alice in Wonderland has long been a huge prize for collectors. Charles Dodgson’s books were appearing at auction even before his death, and in 1893 a copy of the 1865 Alice made £10. Sales of the first edition flourished in the 1920s. A random example is the presentation copy to Alice Thomas, in its original red cloth binding, sold at Hodgson’s on 15 April, 1926. This had the drawback of exhibiting “those infallible signs of its popularity in the nursery, in the way of much-fingered and soiled leaves”. The prestigious firm of Bernard Quaritch bought it for £390, a relative snip, though the equivalent of £24,000 in today’s money.

The Mad Tea-Party from The Nursery Alice

The “Mad Tea-Party” from The Nursery Alice (1890), illustrated by Tenniel, colour printed by Edmund Evans

Only two years later a far higher price was achieved for a presentation copy from the author to [Dinah] Craik (author of John Halifax Gentleman). Sold by Sotheby’s on 3 April 1928, this copy in original red cloth was described as “beautifully clean and fresh”. It went to the dealer Rosenbach for £5,000 (the equivalent of £316,500 today), and passed into the hands of Eldridge R. Johnson, the American gramophone pioneer and founder of the Victor Talking Machine Company (later RCA-Victor) whose famous trademark was the fox terrier Nipper listening to a gramophone.
Despite having made £5,000 in 1928, the Dinah Craik copy could only manage $7,500 when the Eldridge Johnson collection was dispersed in 1946. This remarkable collection included the four Shakespeare folios, the original manuscript of Alice’s Adventures under Ground, and not one but two copies of the 1856 Alice, the Craik copy and the copy belonging to the banker Louis Samuel Montagu. The latter was a special attraction. Ten original pencil drawings for the illustrations by John Tenniel, signed with his monogram, were bound into the volume. The firm of Riviere had rebound it handsomely for Montagu in 1899; and it sold for the more impressive sum of $23,000.

Levant morocco binding

The levant morocco binding by Riviere on the 1865 Alice, executed for L.S. Montagu in 1899

Following the sale in 1946, both Eldridge Johnson copies of the first edition passed into the ownership of the Lebanese collector, Francis Kettaneh. When reoffered at the Kettaneh sale in Paris, 20 May 1980, they were lotted together, an extraordinary act by the auctioneers Ader Picard Tajan, who even threw in an original Tenniel drawing of Alice for good measure. The two first editions were not protected by an adequate reserve, and to his own astonishment the children’s book dealer Justin Schiller was able to buy the lot (by proxy) for FF220,000 (£22,845).
This historical low point for sales came twenty years after the auction of Lord Cross’s copy by Sotheby’s, on 15 February 1960, when bidding reached the staggering heights of £115,000 (£2,700,000 in today’s money) for a copy that was not inscribed; it had also been recased in a publisher’s binding of about 1900.

The Cheshire Cat original drawing

The Cheshire Cat (ch. 6), one of ten original drawings by John Tenniel in the Montagu-Johnson-Kettaneh copy of the 1865 Alice

The Cheshire Cat - printed

The Cheshire Cat reproduced from Tenniel’s original drawing by the use of woodcut and electrotype blocks

Schiller published a monograph on the Montagu copy in 1990, (Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland: An 1865 printing re-described), and re-offered it for sale at Christie’s New York, on 9 December 1998, with an estimate of $1.5 to 2 million. This was a hefty sum, especially considering how few books reach even the £100,000 level; a successful outcome was by no means certain. There was no presentation inscription, the 1899 binding was fine but not original. To offset this, there were the ten Tenniel drawings preserved in the volume, and the persuasive fact that it was the author’s corrected copy, with word changes and scored passages which Christie’s cataloguer ably demonstrated to be the chosen text for The Nursery Alice. The hammer went down, only just below estimate, at $1,400,000 ($1,542,500 with premium).
In 2016 Christie’s New York endeavoured to repeat their success with the George William Kitchin copy, “one of only two copies in original cloth in private hands”. Without a presentation inscription or any insertions, an estimate of $2-3 million proved beyond reach. Nevertheless, the copy was sold for an undisclosed sum after the sale.

original red cloth binding of 1865 Alice

The original red cloth binding of the 1865 Alice, the Cheshire cat making his appearance on the back, George William Kitchin’s copy

The value of the second (first published edition) of 1866 also see-saws considerably from copy to copy and year to year. A lot of copies have turned a rather dingy red, perhaps after exposure to the smoke and soot of open fires. These will tend to bob along at the £2,000 to £4,000 level at sales. However, a copy in original cloth rebacked, with frayed leaves, some repaired, managed to sell for £7,000 at Sotheby’s in 2019, benefitting from the insertion of 13 autograph letters from the author to his bookseller, F.S. Ellis.

Frontispiece and title to the second edition of Alice in Wonderland

Frontispiece and title to the second edition of Alice in Wonderland, dated 1866 though published 1865, Tyrwhitt copy

To have a value of £7,000 or above, a second edition of Alice needs to be in sparkling condition, to have important inserts or else be a presentation copy (the ideal copy would tick all three boxes). Presentation copies are less affected by issues of condition. Despite the innumerable small defects listed in the catalogue, an example inscribed by the author to his friend Richard St. John Tyrwhitt, and containing a presentation letter, made £23,000 hammer at Christie’s on 13 December 2017. At the same auction house the following July, a copy came up with a presentation inscription and two inserted letters to Dodgson’s child-friend Ella Monier-Williams. This made £24,000, regardless of scattered spotting and soiling, small ink stains, marginal repairs, and a replacement morocco binding.

The author’s presentation inscription to Richard St. John Tyrwhitt

The author’s presentation inscription to Richard St. John Tyrwhitt at the head of the half-title adds enormously to the value of the copy

All Lewis Carroll fans will be wanting to see the forthcoming V & A exhibition, “Alice: Curioser and Curioser”. Copies of these and other rare editions will be on display from 27 March 2021.

samuel johnson dictionary

My Favourite Book – Samuel Johnson’s Dictionary of the English Language

 

It is 265 years since Samuel Johnson’s 2-volume Dictionary of the English Language was published on 15 April 1755. Though many forms of reprint are available, to own a copy of the first edition would be the best of all options. Completing the Dictionary from A to Z was solely Johnson’s responsibility. As his preface points out, it had taken whole teams of academicians to produce dictionaries of Italian and French, whereas he worked in the solitude of his garret at 17 Gough Square, supported only by a succession of feckless and rather drunken copyists — five out of the six were not English but Scottish.

Samuel Johnson Dictionary

The Samuel Johnson Dictionary, 1806 edition

One has to admire the Dictionary as a book which received no academic support, compiled “not in the soft obscurities of retirement, or under the shelter of academick bowers” but in London “amidst inconvenience and distraction, in sickness and in sorrow”. Johnson’s contract was with a group of influential London booksellers including Robert Dodsley and Andrew Millar. Although he had agreed with them to finish the work in three years, the first volume was not completed for seven. The whole task took nine years altogether. Far from thinking himself a national celebrity, Johnson felt reduced to “a harmless drudge, that busies himself in tracing the original, and detailing the signification of words” (the Dictionary’s definition of lexicographer). When his wife Tetty died early in 1752, his morale must have hit rock bottom.

Image of Dr. Samuel Johnson

Dr. Samuel Johnson

Johnson’s brilliant handling of illustrative quotation means that his lexicon can also be enjoyed as a unique form of anthology. Though quotations from 18th-century sources, particularly Pope, Swift and Thomson, occur with some regularity, Johnson’s highest regard was for writers from before the Restoration whose works were “the wells of English undefiled”. Many recently introduced words, particularly anything “Gallick,” are condemned as “cant” or “low”. Giving such frank expression as it does to the author’s tastes and personal prejudices is what makes the Dictionary so endlessly fascinating.

Most impressive of all is Johnson’s battle with his own indolence or what his Dictionary termed “the repugnance which we naturally have to labour”. His publishers became exasperated by the years of procrastination. Boswell recorded Andrew Millar’s oath, on receiving the last sheet of copy from Johnson’s messenger: “Thank God I have done with him”. On returning the messenger duly passed on Millar’s words to Johnson who replied: “I am glad that he thanks God for any thing”.

Private Libraries, Old and New

A magnificent library was an integral feature of the country house in both 18th-century England and continental Europe. As much as the pictures, sculptures and lavish furnishings, the array of gilt spines was calculated to impress the visitor, providing opportunities for conversation as well as solitary reading. Volumes come in all sizes and may have been carefully collected or bought by the yard. Past sales may have depleted the collection, even though the shelves look well stocked.

Horace Walpole’s gothic library at Strawberry Hill, ink and wash, published 1784.

However striking their effect when massed together, books are individuals. To appraise the value of each one means checking the date, giving a nod to the author and assessing the market interest. Books printed before 1501, forming part of the history of incunabula, possess great potential. If the author of a rare pamphlet proves to be Daniel Defoe, its attraction is immediately doubled or even quadrupled. A common enough text may have been beautifully illustrated or issued by a famous press. Provenance or marks of ownership may exist in the form of an inscription or bookplate, or as a coat-of-arms on the binding. Association with a well-known historical figure or derivation from a famous collection can push up a book’s value enormously, and then there is its basic feel. Is it in a good state? Is the binding attractive? Does it appeal aesthetically?

A relatively late edition (1759) of Milton’s Paradise Lost, of value primarily because it bears the imprint of John Baskerville, Birmingham.

In a big library much of the value may lie in a comparatively small percentage of the books. Whether it be of classical works or native authors such as Milton, Swift, Pope and Gibbon, the reprint element is usually large. Classical works printed after the Renaissance, literary sets and periodicals of the 18th and 19th century, are valued chiefly as shelf fillers — for what pleases the eye rather than the content inside. The Gentleman’s Magazine, which first appeared in January 1731 and continued up to 1922, is probably the most interesting of the literary periodicals. Samuel Johnson contributed to it from the late 1730s to mid 1740s, George Eliot used it to research Adam Bede, it contains maps and plates, but the average auction value per volume is unlikely to be above £30.

Title-page to an early number of The Gentleman’s Magazine, printed by Edward Cave (“Sylvanus Urban”) at St. John’s Gate, Clerkenwell.

With plate books, size really counts. Hefty atlases, engravings or lithographs in magnificent quartos or folios, will contribute in a major way to a library’s financial worth. One would expect to find art and architecture, natural history, horticulture and sport among the topics represented, as they are all connected with the life of a country house. Younger sons often travelled the globe and accounts of foreign travel also have strong potential. The first half of the 19th-century was the great age of the colour plate book. If the most magnificent flower book is Redoute’s Les Roses, John Gould is undoubtedly the colossus of bird books. My personal favourite is his Birds of Australia, published in 36 parts between 1840 and 1848, and bound in 8 enormous folio volumes. The work describes all 681 Australian bird varieties then known (a 5-part supplement was added in 1869).

Title-page to part one of the Heber sale whose duration was 26 days. The books sold for an average of only 15 shillings per lot.

Not every 18th- or early 19th-century collection was ostentatiously bound and displayed. Richard Heber (1773-1833) succeeded in amassing some 120,000 volumes, sold on his death in 13 sales spread over three years, with further auctions on the continent. This famous bibliophile, motivated by what Thomas Dibdin called “an ungovernable passion,” gave no thought to presentation. On first visiting his home in Pimlico, Dibdin was dismayed to see “‘rooms, cupboards, passages, and corridors, so choked, so suffocated with books.’” The lack of arrangement was even worse at Heber’s house in Westminster. At 10,000 volumes, the library in his country house, Hodnet Hall in Shropshire, was relatively small in size. But there were also several massive depositories of his books in foreign cities.

A copy of Claude Perrault’s 2-volume Histoire naturelle des animaux (Paris, 1671-76) in a presentation binding of red morocco impressed with the gilt arms of Louis XIV.

Heber’s “‘inveterate opponent in book battles’”, William Beckford, was appalled by such squalor, arguing that it would be better to burn the great mass of “‘filthy, moulding, overwhelming heaps’” than attempt to sell them. Remarkably, the second Heber sale included almost 50 Shakespeare quartos. On the other hand, there were many books ‘picked up for sixpence or a shilling and whose resale value was practically nil’ (see Arnold Hunt, ‘The Sale of Richard Heber’s Library’, in Under the Hammer: Book Auctions since the Seventeenth Century, edited by Robin Myers, 2001, pp. 143-169).

Samuel Johnson, oil portrait by Joshua Reynolds. As a lowly paid hack writer, Johnson contributed to the Gentleman’s Magazine before publishing his great work of lexicography in 1755.

A modern antiquarian library is likely to have less variety of theme than the calf gilt library of former times, catering for many tastes. The limitations on space are much bigger today, with the result that collections are in general smaller and with a greater tendency to be specialist. However, “high spot” collecting can lead to the crossing of traditional boundaries. A high spot collector won’t accumulate any subject in depth, but he or she will focus on the high spots, the collecting peaks of many different ranges. A Samuel Johnson fan is likely to have an interest in acquiring all or most of his works, whereas a high spot collector might only want a first edition of the dictionary (1755) and nothing else. Ironically, it is the cheaper books rather than the more expensive ones which are becoming harder to sell. The first edition of Newton’s Philosophiae naturalis principia mathematica (London, 1687) offered for sale at Christie’s New York on 14 December 2016 was not bound in the usual contemporary calf but in superbly tooled red goatskin intended for presentation. Competition for the copy was intense, it had not only high spot but iconic status, and it was finally hammered down for a world record price of $3,100,000.

Rosa centifolia, etched plate from Pierre Joseph Redoute’s Les Roses (3 volumes, Paris, 1817-1824), printed in colour and finished by hand.

Most modern collections are dispersed on a bibliophile’s death, if not sold within his or her lifetime. Collectors get to feel that they have reached the natural limit of their specialism or that they must settle matters for heirs who prefer receiving money to books they can’t appreciate. These sales are often stirring occasions. But the longer the period that a collection can remain unbroken, the more of a phenomenon it is likely to be in the saleroom.

 Estelle Doheny, the American bibliophile and philanthropist, was born in Philadelphia in 1875, then moved to Los Angeles with her German immigrant parents in 1890.

Carrie Estelle Doheny (1875-1958), born Betzold, was one of the most renowned American book collectors of the 20th century, and that rare being, a female bibliophile. She met her husband, the Californian oil man Edward Lawrence Doheny, in 1899 while working as a telephone operator for his company. The collection she began forming in relative middle-age was quite closely connected to her beliefs as a devout Catholic (she was created a papal countess in 1939). It grew to some 7000 books and 1300 manuscripts, meriting a 3-volume catalogue published 1940-1955. First given to St. John’s seminary in Camarillo, the collection was eventually sold by Christie’s New York in 6 catalogues 1987 to 1989, slightly over a century after her birth; it made proceeds of nearly $38 million dollars, with volume I of the Gutenberg Bible alone making $5 million.

A page of the “Gutenberg Bible” (Mainz: Johann Gutenberg and Johann Fust, 1455) as illustrated in the catalogue of the Estelle Doheny Collection, Part 1, lot 1, Christie’s New York, 22 October 1987

Of much older origins still was the scientific library of the Earls of Macclesfield, removed from Shirburne Castle and sold by Sotheby’s in 12 parts, 2004-2008. This collection derived from the library of William Jones (1675-1749) and was put together almost exclusively in the 18th century; its 2300 works realised the staggering figure of over £20 million.

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Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations: its author, its ideas and its value

Copy of the Wealth of Nations from the library of Charles William Vane, 3rd Marquess of Londonderry

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Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations was an extended argument about how European countries, and Britain particularly, could achieve greater social and political stability by increasing their economic wealth. Having his profile on the back of the £20 note, issued from March 2007 to February 2020, would have been a more powerful reminder of his great treatise, had the note not changed hands so swiftly in millions of transactions. However, every transaction made with it was a demonstration of what Smith saw as the universal human propensity, “to truck, barter and exchange one thing for another”.
To his contemporaries Smith was a moral philosopher. He never courted celebrity but neither did he shun society. He clearly wanted to be remembered by what he wrote, and so actually cared little about his own portrait. There is no frontispiece portrait in either of his major works, and no known oil portrait from the life. The glass paste medallion by James Tassie, executed in 1787, “is the only satisfactory likeness of Smith and was conceivably modelled from the life” (NPG).

Adam Smith in his 64th Year, by James Tassie, 1787, glass paste medallion, National Portrait Gallery

Smith’s life ran a smooth course apart from the loss of his father, also Adam Smith. An advocate, private secretary to the third earl of Loudon and comptroller of customs at Kirkcaldy, Smith senior died five months before his son was born. Adam Smith junior was baptised on 5 June 1723. He had a caring mother in Margaret, the daughter of Robert Douglas of Strathendry, who brought him up in the fishing village of Kirkcaldy (population 1500) near Edinburgh. Being carried off by gypsies at the age of four was the only alarming experience of his childhood — if it indeed happened.

Glasgow University founded in 1451

At 14, Smith entered Glasgow University where the professor of moral philosophy, “the never to be forgotten” Francis Hutcheson, had a profound influence. Hutcheson emphasised the importance of the division of labour, and made a careful distinction between money as a medium of exchange and money as a standard of value. After graduating in 1740, Smith won a Snell exhibition to Balliol College, Oxford. Despite finding the intellectual atmosphere of Oxford far less vibrant than Glasgow — the exploded system of Aristotle was still taught, he nevertheless tolerated it for six years, and did so much private reading in political history and polite literature that he became physically exhausted. He had a retentive memory and wrote in a plain style with Swift and Addison among his models.
After Oxford, Smith returned to the seclusion of Kirkcaldy for two years. Then in 1748 he began delivering public lectures at Edinburgh University, sponsored by the Philosophical Society of Edinburgh whose patron was Lord Kames. The initial subjects were rhetoric and belles-lettres. Smith’s abiding friendship with David Hume, who was 12 years older, began in 1750, and only ended with the latter’s death on 25 August 1776. Hume’s Political Discourses (1752) was a work from which he developed many strands of argument; it contained the key notion that the pre-requisite of a thriving commerce is civil liberty.
Smith’s prominence in the intellectual mêlée of the Scottish enlightenment continued to grow. In 1751, at the age of 27, he was appointed professor of logic at Glasgow. A year later he changed chairs, becoming professor of moral philosophy for a period lasting until 1764. He taught a curriculum on ethics and the rights of man inherited from Hutcheson; and following a precedent set by his former teacher, his lectures were in English rather than Latin. His first published work was an article on Johnson’s Dictionary for the first Edinburgh Review in 1755.

David Hume by Allan Ramsay, 1766, at the Scottish National Portrait Gallery

 After lecturing by day Smith would join in Glasgow society by night, mingling with the city’s merchants and its learned men — despite good social relations, the support of the merchant class for monopolistic companies was to be castigated in Wealth of Nations. Smith neither married nor possessed a female confidante, excepting his mother, for any length of time. His treatise does make unexpected reference to the beauty of London’s Irish prostitutes, the product — he thought — of their diet of potatoes (I.xi).
Andrew Millar published the Theory of Moral Sentiments, based on his lectures in ethics, as a single octavo volume in 1759. The ambiguities in human nature were admitted from the opening sentence. While conceding that amoral self-interest is an abiding motive in human behaviour, Smith argued for the existence of an “inner man” or “impartial spectator” who is nevertheless able to judge the morality of an action. Moral sentiments arise from that mutual sympathy between individuals which alone creates a happy society. In both this work and the Wealth of Nations Smith made reference to the “invisible hand” that created social or economic harmony out of competing interests.

Henry Scott, 3rd duke of Buccleuch, by Thomas Gainsborough, 1770 or 1771, Bowhill House

 Charles Townshend, the chancellor responsible for the taxes that ultimately caused the American Revolution, was so impressed by Smith’s Moral Sentiments that he invited the author to become tutor to his stepson, Henry Scott, the 17-year-old duke of Buccleuch. The duke was portrayed by Thomas Gainsborough in 1770 or 1771, wearing the insignia of the Order of the Garter and hugging a Dandie Dinmont terrier. Smith did not morally approve of the Grand Tour, but an annual income of £300 plus expenses, roughly twice his pay as a professor, and a lifetime pension of £300 a year thereafter, was persuasive. Tutor and pupil set out for Toulouse via Paris on 13 February 1764, spending close on three years together and getting on remarkably well.
Eighteen months in Toulouse offered little in the way of variety, but Smith used his time there to start working on Wealth of Nations. In a livelier two month visit to Geneva, he met Voltaire. A ten month stay in Paris then enabled him to meet more of “the French literary figures he had read and lectured on with warm appreciation” (ODNB). Helped with introductions by David Hume, also in Paris, he frequented the literary salons of the duchesse d’Enville and Julie de L’Espinasse; the German-French encylopedist Baron d’Holbach welcomed him; and he was no less feted at the house of the tax farmer and philosophe Claude-Adrien Helvétius. André Morellet, his future translator, and Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot, Controller-General of Finance from 1774 to 1776, were among others he met. François Quesnay, leader of the physiocrats, probably impressed him the most, and would have been the dedicatee of his treatise had his death not occurred first.
Moral Sentiments, the talk of Paris, drew much admiration from women. The former actress and novelist Marie-Jeanne Riccoboni declared Smith to be as ugly as the devil with his harsh voice and protruding teeth. Yet she had plenty of time for his sentimental philosophy, remarking in a letter to David Garrick, “J’aime Mr Smith, je l’aime beaucoup” (quoted by James Buchan, The Authentic Adam Smith, 2006, p.79). The fascinating comtesse de Boufflers, patroness of Rousseau, was thanked by David Hume for taking “my friend Smith under your protection” (HL ii.63). By no means intimidated by Parisian society, he attended operas, plays and concerts, wearing an impressive array of black, grey and red silk suits.

Alexander Gordon, Lord Rockville; Adam Smith; George Brown, by John Kay, 1787, etching

 Unfortunately, the duke fell ill as did his younger brother, Hew, who had joined the party at Toulouse. Though the former recovered, Quesnay’s efforts as royal physician could not save Hew. Their stay in Paris cut short, Smith and the duke accompanied Hew’s body back to Dover, arriving 1 November 1766. Only too glad to be back among old friends, Smith never crossed the English channel again. Wealth of Nations made trenchant criticism of the ancient regime’s reliance on fiscal anomalies, manipulation of the coinage, arbitrary taxation, soaring public debt, and depressed agriculture.
Having spent six months in London, supervising publication of the third edition of Moral Sentiments and attending the duke of Buccleuch’s wedding, Smith returned to live with his mother in Kirkcaldy. Six years were spent reading and writing in this retirement. He wrote to David Hume saying that “My amusements are long, solitary walks by the sea side” and expressed himself “extremely happy … I never was, perhaps, more so in all my life” (quoted by Buchan, p. 84). As opposed to reaching completion, his magnum opus simply grew larger.
Having chosen not to become Hume’s neighbour in Edinburgh, Smith was at length persuaded to travel to London in 1772. The offer of another tutoring post, this time to the young duke of Hamilton, came to nothing. Nonetheless, Smith stayed on, attending political debates in parliament as the conflict between Britain and her American colonies intensified. He became a member of the Royal Society in May 1773. The Boston Tea Party on 16 December that year was the direct consequence of Townshend’s taxation measures. On 9 May 1775 Smith assured Hume, in Edinburgh, that his book was about to go to press. In February 1776 a letter of Hume’s expressed the concern that if Smith was waiting for the fate of America to be decided, he might have to wait forever.

Title-page to the first edition of Smith’s Wealth of Nations

 Smith’s book finally appeared on 3 March 1776. Entitled An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, it carried the imprint of W. Strahan and T. Cadell in the Strand; some copies have the added imprint of W. Creech at Edinburgh. In the event, publication occurred only four months before the 4 July signing of the American Declaration of Independence. The author showed himself to be quite radical in his leanings, particularly in regard to the American colonists whose ill treatment by the government he discusses in book IV. Despite fully agreeing with Hume that independence was a natural outcome for growing colonies, he also put forward the idea of a closer union or federation with Britain, with power likely to gravitate to the west.
The two quarto volumes contained over 1000 pages, arranged in five books, and representing at least 12 years work. Issued in either blue-grey or marbled boards, the work cost £1 16 shillings — then enough money to employ a skilled tradesman for 15 days. The print run is put at 500 copies.
Only a week earlier Strahan and Cadell had brought out volume I of Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, also in quarto. Writing to David Hume on 12 April, Strahan compared the two works; Gibbon’s he described as “more popular”; Smith’s book he judged to have a sale which, “tho’ not near so rapid, has been much more than I could have expected from a work, that requires much thought and reflexion (qualities that do not abound among modern readers) ….” (NLS Hume MSS vii.67, old no).
Smith’s arguments in Wealth of Nations are well summarised in Ian Simpson Ross’s Life of Adam Smith (1995, pp. 270-288). Whereas Moral Sentiments had dealt with various forms of motivation, his later book dealt with economic motivation only, and its effect on the collective wealth of nations. Smith argues that material progress stems from the individual’s desire for self-improvement; a nation’s riches do not consist of bullion or treasure, but in the acquired skills or specialisations of its labour force, supported by capital.
Book I, on “the Causes of Improvement in the Productive Powers of Labour”, starts with a brilliant though, in the light of subsequent history, flawed appraisal of the the division of labour, which he believes can improve the individual labourer’s circumstances, while creating greater wealth for the whole of society. The division of the 18 operations used in making a pin, borrowed from the French Encylopédie of 1755, make its advantages demonstrable.

Adam Smith by John Kay, etching, 1790

 Book I then proceeds with a discussion of the origin and use of money, followed by an analysis of commodity prices in terms of labour cost and in terms of money. Careful distinctions are also drawn between the component parts of commodity prices, and the natural and market price of commodities. A forensic examination of wages and profits comes next, and then a final discourse on the rent of land, with a long digression on silver. Since the accumulation of profit allows for rising wages and the enhancement of culture, the profit motive is not seen as harmful. The individual’s liberty of action guarantees the welfare of society.
Whereas the 11 chapters in book I come under the heading of “Labour”, the 5 chapters in book II are on “the nature, accumulation, and employment of stock” — stock (i.e. “savings and investments”) being a second growth factor after the division of labour. There is a continued look at money as “a particular Branch of the general Stock of the Society”. Lines are drawn between productive and unproductive labour, and fixed and circulating capitals.
The remaining books, III-V, are more historical in nature, concentrating on what legislators have done and what they ought to do to achieve economic growth. Book III traces “the different progress of Opulence in different nations”. The time period starts as far back as the fall of Rome and the development of medieval towns, when capital first supported agriculture, to its later extension to manufactures, and finally foreign trade with its positive socio-economic effects.
 Book IV, “Of Systems of Political Economy”, is a highly readable, deeply critical account of what Smith pejoratively termed the mercantile system giving the European nations monopolistic control over their colonies. England is only the best of a bad bunch, “somewhat less illiberal and oppressive than any of the rest” (IV.vii.pt.2).
Smith’s belief in the efficacy of free trade, with its stimulus to the industry of the European nations, cannot be over-stated. Hence he calls “the discovery of America, and that of a passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope … the two greatest and most important events in the history of mankind” (IV.viii.pt.3). With these words, he is surely anticipating a harmonious global economy.
The final chapter of book IV, “Of the Agricultural Systems, or of those Systems of Political Economy which represent the Produce of Land as either the sole or the principal Source of the Revenue and Wealth of every County”, was a response to Quesnay and the French physiocrats; sympathetic as he was to their ideas, Smith was unable to accept their portrayal of manufacturing and trading as unproductive.
In Book V, “Of the Revenue of the Sovereign or Commonwealth”, the involvement of government is accepted as necessary in defence, justice, policing, transport facilities, education, and taxation. A policy of non interference is urged in matters of trade. The British government’s readiness to incur public debt in order to prosecute wars over the colonies meets with a severe reproof.

Henry Wickham’s copy of Wealth of Nations (2 vols) bound by Edwards of Halifax. Courtesy of Christie’s

Four more editions of Wealth of Nations came out before the author’s death in 1790. The third edition of 1784 was the first in octavo. The Additions and Corrections to the first and second editions of Dr. Adam Smith’s … Wealth of Nations, issued at the same time, was available in either quarto or octavo size. While not an integral part of the first edition, it is sometimes bound at the end of volume II or may, alternatively, form a slim volume III.

Secretarial presentation inscription on Henry Herbert, Lord Porchester’s copy of Wealth of Nations. Courtesy of Christie’s

A copy of the first edition, without serious defects, might have been bought for about £12,000 in 1990. Sotheby’s sold a copy in a restored calf binding for £11,000 hammer which became £12,100 with premium, on 19 July 1990. While its steady advance in value over the next 30 years has to be seen as extraordinary, it is a sobering thought that the purchasing power of the pound has halved since 1990.
Ten years on and the William Foyle copy came up for sale. Although the binding — described as “near contemporary sheep” — was not particularly impressive, the Foyle copy included the Additions and Corrections. Astonishment overtook the packed Great Room when Christies sold it for as much as £34,000 hammer on 12 July 2000. This was no lucky chance; the price signalled a quantum leap forward in value.
If it is correct to speak of trophy books, Wealth of Nations became one in the new millennium. From 2000 onwards its value soared. However, condition and copy status will always lead to variations in price as will the supply of copies. Of two copies sold in New York in December 2004, one at Sotheby’s made $80,000 (£41,510) hammer; the other at Christie’s went for $40,000 hammer, exactly half the amount. The latter was simply an inferior copy.

Richard Payne Knight by Sir Thomas Lawrence, 1794, Whitworth Art Gallery

The following year, 2005, the “remarkably clean, fine and totally unsophisticated” Irwin Silver copy” in contemporary calf gilt reached $120,000 (£62,967) hammer, with premium $144,000 (£75,560), at Sotheby’s New York. The auction gavel then started to spark at Christie’s. In 2007 £85,000 was paid for the Henry Wickham copy, exquisitely bound by Edwards of Halifax in tree calf with painted vellum spines. The Foljambe copy made £130,000 in 2010; the Londonderry copy £120,000 in 2013; £150,000 was given in 2014 for a presentation copy in a secretarial hand to Smith’s former pupil, Henry Herbert, Lord Porchester.

Bronze statue of Adam Smith by Alexander Stoddart, 2008, on the Royal Mile, Edinburgh

Last year, when as many as four copies came up for auction, results were consistently good if less sensational. At Christie’s New York bidding on one copy closed at $80,000 (£62,373); another copy made $90,000 (£69,765) in Chicago; and one at Sotheby’s London was taken to £70,000, virtually the same figure. Richard Payne Knight, the art connoisseur known for his interest in picturesque beauty and ancient phallic imagery, was the owner of the copy which came up at Christie’s on 11 December. With his annotations in volume II, the Payne Knight copy sold for a well deserved £90,000; with premium £112,500.
The value of an uncut copy in original boards has yet to be tested. The copy of the first edition which has made the most money to date is, appropriately enough, Smith’s own. One of two copies listed in his manuscript library catalogue of 1781, this has a binding of contemporary tree calf, restored by J. Macdonald. Somewhat disappointingly, there are no manuscript notes by the author and but one sign of his ownership, a small letterpress book label with his name on it. He was modest to the last.

The contemporary tree calf binding of the author’s copy. Courtesy of Christie’s

Yet this was the author’s copy of a work which has remained the foundation of political economy to this day. Homer B. Vanderblue, a professor at Harvard Business School and celebrated Smith collector, had acquired it sometime after 1939. Though the present whereabouts of Smith’s other copy is undetermined, it is known to have made £420 at auction in 1959. In contrast the Smith-Vanderblue copy, sold by Christie’s as lot 220 on 12 December, 2018, brought a hammer price of £750,000; with premium added this became £908,750; a breathtaking amount worthy of the great philosopher of money.

Ownership labels in Adam Smith’s own copy of Wealth of Nations. Courtesy of Christie’s